GIFT  OF 
Mrs.    Robert  Shuey 


LATIN 
PROSE    COMPOSITION 

BASED  ON  CAESAR,  NEPOS,  AND  CICERO 


BY 

CHARLES   CROCKER   DODGE,   B.A. 

CLASSICAL  AND   HIGH  SCHOOL,  SALEM,    MASS. 
AND 

HIRAM    AUSTIN   TUTTLE,  JR.,  M.A. 

POLYTECHNIC    INSTITUTE,    BROOKLYN,    N.Y. 


NEW  YORK-:- CINCINNATI-:.  CHICAGO 

AMERICAN    BOOK    COMPANY 


GIFT  OF 


jf&Ajj£jc\ 


COPYRIGHT,  1898,  BY 
AMERICAN   BOOK  COMPANY, 


LATIN   PROSE   COMP. 
W.    P.   4 


PREFACE 


IN  the  preparation  of  this  work  for  the  use  of  schools,  an 
attempt  has  been  made  to  combine  the  advantages  of  the  older 
systematic  with  the  newer  discursive  method.  In  the  former  too 
much  attention  was  paid  to  syntax,  too  little  to  the  author  read ; 
while  in  the  latter  the  pupil  has  not  been  given  an  opportunity  to 
gain  a  sufficiently  clear  idea  of  Latin  usage  to  help  him  in  his  sub- 
sequent work.  In  our  attempt  to  profit  by  the  successful  features 
of  both  methods,  each  exercise  has  been  arranged  with  the  follow- 
ing aims  :  — 

1.  To  give  the  pupil  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  various  ways 
in  which  some  particular  grammatical  relation  may  be  expressed. 

2.  To  illustrate  these  by  an  exercise  based  upon  a  limited  por- 
tion of  the  text  read,  with  especial  care  to  introduce  only  such 
words  and  idioms  as  are  to  be  found  in  the  text. 

3.  To  make  each  exercise  serve  also  as  a  review  both  of  topics 
previously  studied  and  of  constructions   that   have   incidentally 
occurred. 

4.  To  give  interest  by  making  the  exercises  a  connected  synop- 
sis of  the  author's  work,  avoiding  in  this,  however,  what  might  in 
any  possible  way  be  used  as  a  translation. 

5.  To  give  such  work  as  will  meet  the  demands  of  the  best 
private  and  public  schools. 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  the  Introduction  has  been  divided 
into  Lessons,  each  of  which  treats  of  some  specific  grammatical 
topic  or  group  of  related  ideas  as  commonly  expressed  in  classical 
Latin. 


M126840 


4  PREFACE 

This  classified  statement,  expressed  in  language  easily  under- 
stood and  illustrated  by  one  simple  example,  gives  a  clear  concep- 
tion of  the  construction  before  the  pupil  is  referred  to  the  more 
complex  statement  of  the  grammar.  For  different  forms  of 
expression  and  further  illustrative  examples,  there  has  been  added 
to  each  paragraph  the  particular  reference  to  various  grammars, 
while  the  more  general  references  have  been  placed  at  the  head 
of  each  lesson.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  cover  all  the  con- 
structions in  Latin,  but  only  such  as  are  commonly  needed  in 
secondary  school  work. 

The  Lesson  may  be  treated  as  a  special  study  while  that  por- 
tion of  the  text  on  which  the  Exercise  is  based  is  being  read, 
and  emphasis  should  be  laid  in  class  work  on  the  topic  under 
consideration.  For  those  who  do  not  care  to  use  the  Lesson  for 
special  study,  the  Introduction  has  been  paragraphed  for  occa- 
sional reference. 

Although  the  connected  narrative  may  appear  formidable,  yet 
experience  with  several  classes  has  shown  that  pupils  can  readily 
handle  these  exercises.  They  have  been  graded  to  the  ability  as 
developed,  and  are  intended  to  bring  out  the  characteristics  of 
the  author.  They  are  of  such  length  that  the  teacher  can  give 
a  long  or  a  short  exercise,  according  to  the  ability  of  his  class. 
The  Cicero  Exercises  are  the  most  complex  and  general  in  char- 
acter, and  give  a  thorough  drill  in  review  of  the  constructions 
required  of  preparatory  classes.  The  Caesar  and  Nepos  Exer- 
cises may  be  used  as  tests,  each  for  the  other,  the  teacher  giving 
the  less  common  words  for  vocabulary ;  while  either  would  give 
excellent  and  systematic  sight  work  for  a  class  studying  the  Cicero 
section. 

We  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging  our  obligations  to  Mr. 
Eugene  D.  Russell,  Principal  of  the  Lynn  (Mass.)  Latin  School, 
for  careful  examination  of  proof  and  valuable  criticisms  and 
suggestions. 


CONTENTS 


LESSON 

I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

XXXII. 

XXXIII. 


PAGE 

Introd.  Caes.  Nep 

Simple  Arrangement  of  Sentence 7  54  82 

Simple  Agreements.    Relatives 8  55  82 

Periphrastic  Conjugations.    Tenses 9  55  83 

Uses  of  the  Infinitive 10  56  84 

Ablative  Absolute 12  57  85 

Questions  and  Answers 13  58  86 

Object  Cases  —  Accusative 14  59  86 

Object  Cases  —  Genitive 16  59  87 

Object  Cases  —  Dative 17  60  88 

Object  Cases  —  Ablative 19  61  89 

Passives 20  62  90 

Possession:  Genitive,  Dative,  Adjective,  Pronoun,  22  63  91 

Description  —  By  Phrase 23  64  92 

Description  —  By  Clause 25  64  93 

Means  and  Agency 26  65  94 

Manner  and  Accompaniment 27  66  95 

Comparison 28  67  95 

Relations  of  Place 30  68  96 

Relations  of  Time  —  By  Phrase 31  69  97 

Relations  of  Time  —  Dates 32  70  98 

Relations  of  Time  —  By  Clause 34  70  99 

Use  and  Sequence  of  Tenses 35  71  100 

Cause 37  72  102 

Purpose  —  By  Phrase 38  73  102 

Purpose  —  By  Clause 40  74  103 

Result 41  75  104 

Conditions  —  Simple  Statement 42  75  105 

Conditions  —  Contrary  to  Fact 44  76  106 

Concession  and  Proviso 45  77  107 

Indirect  Discourse  —  Declarative  Sentences           .  46  78  108 

Indirect  Discourse  —  Conditional  Sentences     .     .  48  79  109 

Indirect  Discourse  —  Questions  and  Commands    .  49  80  no 

Informal  Indirect  Discourse  and  Attraction      .     .50  81  in 


6  CONTENTS 

LESSON  PAGE 

XXXIV.  Commands  and  Exhortations 51 

XXXV.  Wishes 52 

XXXVI.  Potential  and  Deliberative ....  52 

EXERCISES  BASED  ON  CAESAR  « '": 

Book  II 54 

Book  III 58 

Book  IV 64 

Book  I 74 

EXERCISES  BASED  ON  NEPOS 

Miltiades 82 

Themistocles 85 

Aristides  and  Pausanias 86 

Cimon 87 

Lysander 88 

Alcibiades ."     .     .     .  89 

Thrasybulus 91 

Conon 92 

Dion 93 

Epaminondas .     .  95 

Pelopidas    . 96 

Agesilaus 97 

"TV^enes 99 

Phocion e 102 

Timoleon „ 102 

Hamilcar    .     . 103 

ll-J            Hannibal 104 

Cato 107 

Atticus 108 

EXERCISES  BASED  ON  CICERO 

I  Catiline 112 

II  Catiline  . 116 

III  Catiline 119 

IV  Catiline .     .     ,     .  122 

Archias 125 

Manilian  Law 128 

SPECIMEN  EXAMINATION  PAPERS 137 


LATIN    PROSE    COMPOSITION 

INTRODUCTION 
LESSON    I 

[H.  =  Harkness'  Complete  Latin  Grammar,  1898.  References  to  Harkness'  Standard  Latin 
Grammar  are  inclosed  in  parentheses.  M.  =  Mooney.  A.  =  Allen  and  Greenough. 
G.  =  Gildersleeve.  B.  =  Bennett.] 

Simple    Arrangement    of    Sentence.  —  [H.  663-665 : 671-680 

(560-569).     M.  471.     A.  343-345.     0.671-683.     6.348-350.] 

1.  In  a  Latin  sentence  the  most  important  word  usually 
stands  first.     As  a  rule,  this  is  the  subject,  while  the  verb, 
being  unemphatic,  is  placed  near  the  end  of  the  sentence. 
The  position  of  the  verb  sum  is  governed  by  euphony,  but 
this  verb,  when  used  in  the  sense  of  there+is,  etc.  precedes 
its  subject :   cum  Caesar  esset  in  Gallia,  erat  coniuratio,  when 
Caesar  was  in  Gaul,  there  was  a  conspiracy.     [H,  664: 665  (561). 
M.  471.     A.  344  &  c.     G.  672-674.     B.  348:  349.] 

2.  Adjectives  and  Genitives,  unless  emphatic,  follow  Vir 
nouns.      Demonstratives  and  adjectives  of  quantity  and  of 
number  precede  their  nouns  :  duas  legiones  novas  conscribit, 
he  enrolls  tivo  new  legions.     When  a  noun  is  modified  by 
both  an  adjective  and  a  genitive,  the  usual  order  is  Adjec- 
tive, Genitive,  Noun  :  in  commum  Belgarum  coiicilio,  in  the 
common  council  of  the  Belgae.      [671,  i  &4=  675  (565,  2).    M.47i. 
A.  344,  a,  2  &  b.     G.  676  &  R.  i,  2  &  4.     B.  350,  I  &  4  with  d,  5.] 

3.  Adverbs  generally  precede  the  words  they  modify : 
eos  magnopere  cohortatus  profectus  est,  after  exhorting  them 
earnestly,  he  set  out.     [H.  672-674,  678  (567).    M.  471.    A.  344,  b. 
G.  677.    B.  350,  6.] 

7 


LATIN,  PROSE  COMPOSITION 

4.  Conjunctions  and  interrogatives  generally  begin  their 
clauses  :    cum  quaereret  quae  civitates  in  armis  esseiit,  when 
he  asked  what  states  were  in  arms.      [H.  675:  677  (569,111). 
M.47I.    A.  344,  b.     6.675.     B.  350,  5,  a  &  8.] 

5.  Prepositions  regularly  precede ;  but  with  a  modified 
noun  the  order  is  frequently  Modifier,  Preposition,  Noun  : 
summa  cum  laude,  with  Jdghest  honors.      [H.  671,  5:  676  (569, 
11,3).     M.  471.     A.  345,  a.     G.  678  &  R.  2.     B.  350,  7  &  b.~\ 

6.  The    words  fere,   paene,  prope,    autem,    enim,    quidem, 
quoque,   vero,  and  usually  itaque,  never   stand   first  :    hie 
enim  ventus  ab  septentrionibus  oritur,  for  this  wind  rises  in 
the  north.      [H.  677  (569,  III).     M.  471.    A.  345,  b.    G.  677,  R.  i :  679. 
B.  350,  8.] 

Study  carefully  the  author's  arrangement  of  words,  and 
notice  why  the  order  varies  from  the  regular  arrange- 
ment. 


LESSON    II 
Simple  Agreements.     Relatives.  —  [H.  387:  388 :  393:  394: 

396:  399:  404  (362:  363:  368:  371:  438:  439:  445  :  46o).  M.  174:  177- 
179:  182:  184:  256.  A.  173:  176:  177:  182-187:  198:  204.  G.  203: 
211:  289:  290:  320:  321:  325:  328:  614.  B.  166-169:  233-235:  250- 
254.] 

7.  A  noun  denoting  the  same  person  or  thing  as  another 
noun,  agrees  with  it  in  case.  Such  a  noun  may  be  either 
an  appositive  (i.e.  in  the  same  part  of  the  sentence)  or  a 
predicate  noun  (i.e.  one  used  to  form  the  predicate  with 
the  verb  sum  or  a  verb  of  similar  meaning) :  ad  flumen 
Axonam,  to  the  river  Axona  ;  Labienus  erat  legatus,  Labte- 
nus  was  lieutenant.  [H.  393,  with  8  &  9  (362:  363).  M.  174,  2 
&3:  179.  A.  176:  184,  with  a&  b.  G.  21 1:  320:  321:  325.  6.167:  168 
&  2:  169,  I  &  2.] 


INTRODUCTION  9 

8.  An  adjective  is  put  into  the  same  gender,  number, 
and    case  as  the  noun  it  limits  :    reliquas  legiones  in  acie 
constituit,  he  drew  up  the  other  legions  in  line  of  battle. 
[H.  394  (438).     M.  178.     A.  1 86,  with  a  &  b.     G.  289:  290.     B.  234:  235.] 

9.  A  relative  agrees  with  its  antecedent  in  gender  and 
number ;    the   case  depends  upon  the  construction  of   its 
own  clause  :   duas  legiones  quae  conscriptae  erant  in  Galliam 
misit,  he  sent  the  tzvo  legions  wJiich  had  been  enrolled  into 
Gaul.       [H.   396:   399  (445  &  2)-     M-   l82>   J  &  5-     A-   J98.     G.  614. 
B.  250,  I  :   251,  I.] 

10.  A  verb  and  its  subject  agree  in  number  and  person  : 
castra  amplius  milibus  passuum'octo  in  latitudinem  patebant, 

the  camp  extended  more  than  eight  miles  in  breadth.     [H.  388 
&  i  (460).     M.  174,  i.     A.  204.     G.  211.     B.  254,  i  &  2.] 


LESSON    III 
Periphrastic  Conjugations.     Tenses.  —  [H.  236:   237:  431: 

526-540(233:  234:  388:  466-473).  M.  98:  207:  305-313:  352.  A.  129: 
147:  232:  276-281:  293,  a  Si  b,  I  &  2:  294.  G.  129:  223-247:  251:  355. 
B.  115:  189,  I  :  257-264:  293,  I.] 

11.  Such  English  expressions  as    Caesar  intends  or  is 
about  to  do  this,  are  translated  into   Latin  by  using  the 
active  periphrastic  conjugation  :    Caesar  hoc  facturus   est, 
Caesar  intends  to  do  this.     [H.  236  (233).    M.  98,  i.    A.  293,  a  &  b, 
i  &  2.    G.  129:  247.    B.  115.] 

12.  Such  English  expressions  as  Caesar  must  or  has  tj 
do  this  and  this  must  be  done  by  Caesar  are  translated  into 
Latin  by  using  the  passive  periphrastic  conjugation,  the 
agent  being  expressed   by  the  Dative  case  :    Caesari   hoc 


10  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

faciendum  est,  Caesar  had  to  do  this.     [H.  237:  431  (234:  388). 
M.  98,  2:  207.     A.  232:  294.     G.  251:  355.     B.  115:   189,  i.] 

13.  Dum,  meaning  while,  takes  the  Present  Indicative, 
even   when   referring   to   past   time :    dum  haec  geruntur, 
Caesar  discesserat,   while  this  was  going   on,   Caesar  had 
departed.     [H.  533,  4  (467,  III,  4).     M.  352.  "  A.  276,  <?.    G.  229,  R. 
B.  293,  L] 

14.  The  Imperfect  is  used  to  denote  the  continuance  or 
repetition  of  an  action  in  past  time ;  the  Perfect,  to  denote 
the  simple  occurrence  :   ad  eum  crebri  rumores  adferebantur, 
many  reports  were  brought  to  him  ;  classl  Datim  praefecit, 
he  put  Datis  in  command  of  the  fleet.     [H.  534:  537  (468:  469: 

471,  I  &  II).      M.  306,  1-3:  307.     A.  277:  279.     G.  231  :  239.      B.  260,  I  & 
2 :   262,  B.] 

15.  With  iam,  iam  diu,  iam  dudum,  the  Present  often  de- 
notes an  action  begun  in  past  time  and  continuing  in  the 
present;    the  Imperfect  denotes  an  action  continuing   in 
past  time,  but  begun  at  some  previous  time  :  iam  diu  cupio, 
now  for  a  long  time  I  have  been  desiring ;  iam  dudum  cupie- 
bam,  /  had  been  desiring  for  a  long  time ;  ad  mortem  te, 
Catilina,  duel  iam  pridem  oportebat,  long  since,  Catiline,  ought 
you  to  have  been  led  to  death.     [H.  533,  i :  535,  i  (467,  III,  2 :  469, 
II,  2).     M.  305,  6:  306,  4.      A.  276,  a:  277,  b.      G.  230:  234.      B.  259,  4: 
260.  4.] 


LESSON    IV 
Uses  of  the  Infinitive.  —  [H.  70:  415:  606:  607:  613:  614:  617- 

620:  641:  642  (42,  II,  2,  N.:  523,  I:  532-538.)  M.  28,  3:  260-276:  392. 
A.  29,  2,  c\  240, /:  270-272:  275:  288:  336,  I  &  A.  G.  279-281  :  420:  422: 
423:  650:  653.  B.  15,  3:  270:  325-331-] 

16.    The    Infinitive    mood    has    the    qualities  of    both  a 
verb  and  a  noun.     It  is  a  verb  because  it  denotes  time 


INTRODUCTION  I  I 

relative  to  that  of  the  sentence  in  which  it  stands,  gov- 
erns the  same  case  as  it  does  in  its  other  moods,  is  limited 
by  adverbs,  and  may  have  a  subject,  which  subject  is  in 
the  Accusative  case.  [H.  415:  606(532:  536).  M.  261 :  266.  A. 

240, /:  note  before  270.     G.  279:  420.     B.  325.] 

17.  The  Infinitive  as  a  noun  is  neuter :  transire  flumen 
erat    difficillimum,    to    cross    the    river    was    very    difficult. 
[H.  70  (42,  II,  2,  N.).     M.  28,  3.     A.  29,  2,  c.     G.  422.     B.  15,  3.] 

18.  The    Infinitive    is    regularly  used,  with   its  subject 
Accusative,  as  the  object  of  verbs  which  express  or  imply 
thought  or  feeling.     This  use  is  called  Indirect  Discourse, 
because  the  quoted  thought  is  not  stated  in  the  words  of 
the  thinker,  but  is  made  a  part  of  the  whole  sentence  :  eos 
pulsos  esse  dixeram,  /  had  said  that  these  zvere  defeated ; 
putat  confirmari  regnum  Persarum  ipsis  utile  esse,  he  thinks 
that  it  is  to  their  advantage  to  strengthen  the  kingdom  of 
the  Persians.     [11.613:  614:  641:  642  (523, 1:  535).     M.  268:  392. 

A.  272 :   336,  I.     G.  650.     B.  331,  I  &  II.] 

19.  The  Infinitive  is  often  used   to    complete  a  verbal 
idea,  as  in  English  after  can,  dare,  etc.     This  is  called  the 
Complementary   Infinitive  :  subsidia  conlocari  non  poterant, 

reserves  cotild  not  be  stationed.  [H.  607,  with  i  &  2  (533).  M.  261. 
A.  271.  G.  423.  B.  328,  i.] 

20.  In  the  complementary  Infinitive  the  Present  tense 
is  generally  used.     In  the  Infinitive  of  indirect  discourse, 
the  Present  tense  stands   for   the   Present  Indicative,  the 
Future  for  the  Future  or  the  Future  Perfect,  and  the  Per- 
fect for   the    Imperfect,    Perfect,  or   Pluperfect  (cf.  148). 

[H.  617-620  (537).  M.  260,  1-3:  last  part  of  261.  A.  288,  c\  336,  A.  G. 
280,  i,  (a)  :  281,  i  &  2:  653.  B.  270.  i  &  a-c,  2  &  3.] 


12  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 


LESSON   V 
Ablative   Absolute.  —  [H.  489:  640  (431:  550).    M.  255:  279. 

A.  255  :   290.     G.  282 :  409.     B.  227  :  336:] 

21.  The  Ablative  Absolute  stands  unconnected  in  gram- 
matical construction  with  the  rest  of  the  sentence. 

22.  Various  ideas,  as  of  Time,  Cause,  Concession,  Con- 
dition, Previous  Action,  etc.   expressed  in   English  by  a 
clause,  may  be  translated  into  Latin  by  the  use  of  the 
Ablative  absolute. 

23.  The  Ablative  absolute,  though  used  with  the  Pres- 
ent, is  commonly  used  where  in  English  the  idea  is  ex- 
pressed by  the  Perfect  active  participle.     As  there  is  no 
Perfect  active  participle  in  Latin,  the  Perfect  passive  parti- 
ciple in  the  Ablative  absolute  construction  must  be  used : 
Gallia  pacata,   Caesar  ad  Italiam  profectus   est,  having  sub- 
dued Gaul,   Caesar  set  out  for  Italy. 

24.  In  deponent  verbs,   however,  the    Perfect   passive 
participle,  having  an  active  meaning,  directly  translates 
the  English   Perfect  active   participle,   and   the  Ablative 
absolute   is   rarely  used :    hostes  adorti  fugaverunt,  having 
attacked  the  enemy,  they  put  them  to  flight.  \ 

NOTE.  —  Do  not  use  the  Ablative  absolute  when  the 
participle  in  Latin  can  agree  with  either  the  subject  or 
the  object  of  the  predicate :  hostes  impeditos  vicit,  Jie  de- 
feated the  enemy  while  they  were  impeded ;  eius  flamma 
perterriti  classiarii  manere  non  audebant,  terrified  by  the 
flame  of  this,  the  sailors  did  not  dare  remain. 


INTRODUCTION  1 3 


LESSON   VI 
/ 

Questions   and  Answers.  —  [H.  183:  377,4=  378-380:  511:  650 

&i(i88&II,  4:  305:  35!-353:  454)-    ^.83:  85:  151:  384-386.    A.  210- 
212.     G.  109:    1 10:  450-459:  462-466:  468-471.     6.90:   162:   300,4,0.] 

25.  Questions  in   Latin  are  not  shown  by  the  order  of 
the  words.      There  should  usually  be  two  signs  of  a  direct 
question:    (i)   an    interrogative    word    at   the  beginning; 
(2)  a  mark  of  interrogation  (?)  at  the  end. 

26.  -ne  is  affixed  to  the  most  important  word  —  generally 
to  the  verb,  which  then  stands  first.       -ne  shows   merely 
that  a  question  is  asked  and  does  not  imply  the  kind  of 
answer  expected  :   eratne  Miltiades  Atheiiiensis  ?    zvas  Mil- 
tiades  an  Athenian  ?     [H.  378  &  2  (351,  with  i  &  2).    M.  385,  i  &  2. 

A.  210,  a.     G.  454.     B.  162,  2,  *•).] 

27.  Nonne  (non  -f-  -ne)  shows  that  an  affirmative  answer 
is  expected.    Num  shows  that  a  negative  answer  is  expected: 
nonne  CicerS  orator  fuit  ?    was  not  Cicero  an  orator  ?    num 
Cicero  Atheiiieiisis  erat?    Cicero  ivas  not  an  Athenian,  was 
he  ?      [H.  378  (351,  i,  N.  2  &  3).     M.  385,  3  &  4.    A.  210,  c.     G.  455  :  456- 

B.  162,  2,  a)  &  £).] 

28.  When  an  interrogative  pronoun  or  adverb  introduces 
the  question,  do  not  use  -ne,  nonne,  or  num:    quern  vidit? 
whom   did   he   see  ?     quomodo  Themistocles    mortuus    est  ? 
how  did  Themistocles  die  ? 

29.  In  translating  into  Latin,  for  the  word  how  in  such 
expressions  as  how  easily,  how  illustrious,  etc.  use  quam, 
unless  some  special  interrogative  word  like  quantus,  how 
great,  or  quot,  how  many,  etc.  can  be  used  :    quam  facile 


14  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

Caesar  Gallos  vicit  ?  Jwiv  easily  did  Caesar  conquer  the 
Gauls  f  quot  hominum  interf ecti  sunt  ?  hozv  many  men 
were  killed? 

30.  An  answer  in  Latin  corresponding  to  yes  is  gener- 
ally expressed  by  the  repetition  of  the  verb,  or  some  other 
emphatic  word ;    corresponding  to  no,  by  such  repetition 
with    a    negative  :    Discessitne    Catilma  ?     Discessit.     Did 
Catiline    depart?        Yes.       Romaene     Miltiades     habitabat? 
Non  Romae.     Did  Miltiades  live  at  Rome  ?     No.      [H.  379 
(353,  I  &  2,  with  N.  3).     M.  386.     A.  212  &  a.     0.471.     B.  162,  5,  a  &  b.~\ 

31.  In  a  double  question,  utrum  or  -ne  stands  with  the 
first  part,  and  an  (annon  in  direct,  necne  in  indirect  ques- 
tions, or  not)  at  the  beginning  of  the  second :  utrum  Cicero 
an  Caesar  maior  erat  ?    was  Cicero  or  Caesar  the  greater  ? 
[H.  380  &  i :   650  &  i  (353,  i  &  2,  with  N.  3).      M.  385,  5  &  N."    A.  21 1.      G. 
458:  459-     B.  162,  4:  300,  4,  a.~] 


LESSON   VII 
Object  Cases  —  i.  Accusative.  —  [H.  404-406:  409-411  &  2-4: 

412 :  413 :  416,  2 :  421  &  I  (371  :  373 :  374,  with  2  &  N.  3  &  4:  376 :  378,  I 
&2:  381  &  N.  i).  M.  184:  190-192:  194:  195:  198:  200.  A.  237-239: 
239,  I  &  2,  b  &  c,  with  N.  I  :  240,  a,  b  &  d.  G.  330 :  331  &  R.  I  :  333,  I,  R.  I 
&2:  333,  2,  R.:  334  &  R. :  339:  340:  343,  I.  B.  172-179,  I:  183.] 

32.  Many  verbs  which  in  English  have  a  direct  object 
in  Latin  govern  not  the  Accusative  case,  but  the  Genitive, 
Dative,  or  Ablative :  senatui  persuadet,  he  persuades  the 
senate  ;  einon  placet,  it  does  not  please  him. 

,33.  The  direct  object  of  a  transitive  verb  is  in  the  Accu- 
sative :  nuntium  misit,  he  sent  a  messenger.  [11.404:  405  (371). 
M.  184.  A.  237.  G.  330.  B.  172-176,  i.] 


INTRODUCTION  1 5 

34.  A  second  Accusative,  denoting  the  same  person  or 
thing  as  the  direct  object,  is  sometimes  used  —  generally 
as  a  predicate  Accusative  —  with  verbs  of  naming,  choos- 
ing,   making,    etc.  .*     Ciceronem    consulem    creaverunt,    they 
elected  Cicero  (to  be)  consul.     [H.  410,  with  i  &  2  (373).    M.  191. 

A.  239,  I  &  a.     G.  340.     B.  177,  i  &  2.] 

35.  An  Accusative  of  the  person  is  sometimes  used  with 
the  Accusative  of  the  thing  after  verbs  of  teaching  and 
asking.     But  some  verbs,  such  as  peto,  postulo,  and  quaero 
take  an  Ablative  of  the  person  with  a  preposition,  instead 
of  the  Accusative  :   milites  belli  rationem  docebat,  he  taugJit 
the  soldiers  the  art  of  war ;  auxilium  a  Lacedaemoniis  pet~- 
verunt,  they  asked  aid  of  the  Lacedaemonians.     [H.  411  &  2-4 
(374,  2,  N.  3  &  4).      M.  192.      A.  239,  2  &  c,  with  N.  i.      G.  339  &  R.  i  &  2. 

B.  178,  i,  a)-*).] 

36.  Transitive  verbs,  when  compounded  with  circum  or 
trans,  may   take   two   Accusatives  :    equites  flumen  traduxit, 

he  led  the  cavalry  across  the  river.      [H.  413  (376).     M.  194.    A. 
239,  2,  b.     G.  331  &  R.  I.     B.  175,  2,  «)&i):   179,  i.] 

37.  An  intransitive  verb  sometimes  takes  the  Accusa- 
tive of  a  noun  of  similar  meaning,  generally  qualified  by 
an  adjective  (cf.  the  English  to  live  a  good  life).     This  is 
the    Cognate  (kindred    meaning)  Accusative.       Often    an 
adjective  in  the  neuter  Accusative  is  thus  used  substan- 
tively  :  bonam  vitam  vivebat,  he  lived  a  good  life  ;  plurimum 
valebat,  he  had  a  very  great  influence.     [H.  409  &  i  (371,  II). 
M.  190.     A.  238.     G.  333,  i,  R.  i :  333,  2,  R.     B.  176,  2  &  4.] 

38.  A  neuter  adjective  or  pronoun  is  often  used  with 
adverbial  force  :  quid  hoc  factum  est  ?  why  was  this  done  ? 

[H.  416,  2  (378,  I  &  2).     M.  195  :    198.     A.  240,  a  &  b.     G.  333,  i,  R.  2:   334 
&  R.     B.  176,  3.] 


1 6  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

39.  The  Accusative,  generally  modified  by  an  adjective, 
is  used  in  exclamations:  O  fortunatos  elves!  O  fortunate 
citizens  !  [H.  421  &  i  (381  &  N.  i).  M.  200.  A.  240,  </.  G.  343,  \, 
B.  183.] 


LESSON   VIII 
Object  Cases  —  2.  Genitive.    Partitive  Genitive.  —  [H.  44o, 

with  2,  5  &N.-444:  449-451  :  453-458  (396,  III  &  IV:  397:  399:  406-410). 
M.  216:  225-230.  A.  216-222.  G.  363:  367-372:  374:  376-378:  381: 
382.  B.  200:  201:  204:  2O6-2I2.] 

40.  An  Objective  Genitive   is   used  with  nouns  which 
denote  action  or  feeling  :  imperium  Galliae,  the  rule  of  (over) 
Gaul.      [H.  440,  2  (396,  III).    M.  216.    A.  217.    G.  363,  2.     B.  200  &  i.] 

41.  An  Objective  Genitive  is  used  with  adjectives  of  im- 
plied action  to  define  their  reference  :  coniurationis  memor, 
mindful  of  the  conspiracy  ;  huius  coniugii  cupidus  Callias  fuit, 
Callias  was  desirous  of  this  alliance.    [H.  450  &  i .-  451 :  453  (399, 

I&II).     M.  226,  i&2.     A.  218,  a&b.     G.  374,  with  N.  4  &  5.      6.204,1.] 

42.  With  verbs  of  remembering  and  forgetting,  a  person 
used  as  object  is  usually  put  in  the  Genitive ;  a  thing  thus 
used  is  put  in  either  the  Genitive  or  the  Accusative.    Verbs 
of  remembering  in  the  sense  of  recalling  take  generally 
the  Accusative  :  sociorum  meminit,  he  remembers  his  allies ; 
illam  rem  recorder,  /  recall  that  circumstance.      [H.  454  &  1-4: 
455  (406,  II:  407).      M.  227.     A.  219  &  b.     G.  376,  with  R.  i  &  2.     B.  206, 
I  &  2:   207.] 

43.  Verbs  of  accusing,  condemning,  and  acquitting  take 
the  Genitive  of  the  Charge  or  the  Penalty :  Miltiades  pro- 
ditionis   accusatus  est,   Miltiades   zvas    accused  of  treason. 
[H.  456  &  1-4  (409,  II :  410,  II).    M.  228.     A.  220.    G.  378  &R.    B.  208,  I.] 


INTRODUCTION  17 

44.  Verbs  of    feeling  take  the  Genitive.       The  imper- 
sonate miseret,  paenitet,  piget,   pudet,   and  taedet  take  the 
Accusative  of  the  person  and  the  Genitive  of  the  thing. 
Refert  and  interest  take  the    Genitive    of   the    person,   if 
not  expressed  by  a  personal  pronoun,  the  thing  being  the 
subject :  eos  iniuriae  paenitet,  they  repent  of  their  injustice  ; 
rei  publicae  refert  Catilmam  discedere,  it  is  for  the  good  of 
the  state  that  Catiline  sJiould  depart.     [H.  449,  i :  457  (406-409, 
I&III).     M.  229:  230.     A.  221 :  222.     G.  377:  381:  382.     B.  209-211,1, 

2&4.] 

45.  Also  note  the  Partitive  Genitive,  denoting  the  whole 
of  which  a  part  is  taken.      Cardinal  numerals  often  take  a 
partitive  Ablative  with  a  preposition  instead  of  the  Geni- 
tive :  plurimi  Gallorum  superati  sunt,  very  many  of  the  Gauls 
were  overcome  ;  septuaginta  ex  navibus  ei  datae  sunt,  seventy 
of  the  ships  were  given   to  him ;    Cimoii  satis  eloquentiae 
habebat,  Cimon  was  quite  eloquent.     [H.  440,  5  &  N.-444  (396,  IV : 
397).     M.  225.     A.  216  &  c.     G.  367-372.     B.  201,  i,  with  a  &  2.] 


LESSON    IX 
Object  Cases  —  3.   Dative.  —  [H.  423-427:  429:  432:  434:  435 

(384-386:   389:   391).     M.    202:   205:   208:   209:   211:   214.      A.  225-229: 
234:   235.     G.  345-347:   350:   351:   353:   359.     B.  187:    188:    192.] 

46.  The  Dative  is  used  with  many  verbs  which  appear 
in  English  to  be  transitive.     Carefully  examine  the  lists  in 
the  references :  mihi  persuadet,  he  persuades  me.      [H.  426, 

with  i  &  2  (385).      M.  205.     A.  227.     G.  346.     B.  187,  II,  a,  with  N.] 

47.  The  Dative  of  the  indirect  object  (i.e.  of  the  person 
or  thing  indirectly  affected  by  the  action)  is  used  (i)  with  a 

LAT.  PROSE  COMP.  —  2 


1 8  LATIN  PROSE  COMPOSITION 

transitive  verb,  together  with  the  direct  object ;  or  (2)  with 
an  intransitive  verb,  without  a  direct  object :  Themistocles 
rei  publicae  se  dedit,  Themistocles  devoted  himself  to  pub  He 
affairs  ;  Ciceroni  respondet,  he  replies  to  Cicero.  [H.  423 :  424 
&  i:  425  (384,  I  &  II).  M.  205.  A.  225:  226.  G.  345:  346:  350,  2. 
B.  187,  I  &  II.] 

48.  The  Dative  is  used  with  many  verbs,  both  transi- 
tive and  intransitive,  compounded  with  the  prepositions  ad, 
ante,  con,  in,  inter,  ob,  post,  prae,  pro,  sub,  super,  and  some- 
times circum.       Consult  the  lexicon  freely  for  these  com- 
pounds :  Gallis  bellum  Inferebat,  he  ivas  making  war  upon 
the  Gauls.     [H.  429  &  3  (386).    M.  202.   A.  228.    0.347.    6.187,111, 
with  i  &  2.] 

49.  The  Dative  (especially  of  a   person)  is  used  with 
many  verbs  of  depriving,  instead  of  the  Ablative  of  sepa- 
ration (cf.  53)  :  scutum  militi  detraxit,  he  snatched  the  shield 
from  the  soldier.     [H.  427:  429,  2  (385,  2:  386,  2).    M.  211.    A.  229. 
G.  345  &  R.  i :  347,  R.  5.     B.  188,  2,  d.~\ 

50.  The  Dative  is  used  with  many  adjectives,  especially 
those  of  fitness,  nearness,  and  likeness  :  Alcibiadi  par  nemo 
in   civitate  ponebatur,  no  one  in  the  state  was  considered 
Alcibiades    equal.     [H.  434  &  2  (391,  I).    M.  214.    A.  234,  a.    G. 
359.    B.  192,  i  &  2.] 

51.  The  Dative  is  often   used   when   it   refers   to  the 
sentence  as  a  whole,  rather  than  to  any  one  word,  and 
denotes  the  person  to  whose   interest  the  action    occurs. 
This  is  the  Dative  of  reference  :  mihi  in  animum  venit,  it 
came  to  my  attention.     [H.  425,  2  &  4:  432  (384,  4:  389).    M.  208: 

209.     A.  235,  with  a  &  b.     G.  350:   351  :   353.     B.  188,  I  &  2,  b.~] 


id 


INTRODUCTION  19 

LESSON   X 

Object  Cases  —  4.  Ablative.  Separation,  Source,  Specifica- 
tion, Price.  —  [H.  461-465=  467-469:  477  :  478:  48o  (413-415:  421: 
422:  424).  M.  234:  236-238,  i:  251-253.  A.  243:  244:  249:  252:  253. 
G.  390:  395  :  397 :  4°4:  4°6:  4°7-  6.214:  215:  218,  i&  2:  225:  226.] 

52.  The  Ablative  is  used  with  utor,  fruor,  fungor,  potior, 
vescor,   and   their  compounds  :   quo  usque  abutere  patientia 
nostra,  how  far  wilt  thou  abiise  our  patience  ?     [H.  477, 1  (421, 
I).    M.  253.    A.  249.    G.  407.    B.  218,  i.] 

53.  The  Ablative  of  separation  without  a  preposition  is 
used  with  verbs  of  freeing,  removing,  needing,  and  depriv- 
ing.    Compounds  of  ab,  de,  and  ex  generally  repeat  the 
preposition  with  the  Ablative  when  expressing  motion  or 
separation.     Consult  the  lexicon  freely  for  these  words : 
metu  liberati  sunt,  they  ^vere  relieved  of  (from)  their  fear ; 
Themistocles   e  civitate  eiectus  est,    Themistocles  was  ban- 
ished from  the  state.      [H.  461-465  (413:  414).    M.  236:  237.    A. 
243.     G.  390,  i  &  2.     B.  214,  &  1-3.] 

54.  Source  is  expressed  by  the  Ablative  with  a  preposi- 
tion, but  with  participles  of  birth  and  origin  the  preposi- 
tion   may  be   omitted  :    Belgae   ab   extremis    Galliae   finibus 
oriuntur,  the  country  of  the  Belgians  begins  at  (from)  the 
extreme  borders  of  Ganl ;    natus  rege,   the   son  of  a  king. 
[H.  467:  469  (413:  415  &  II).     M.  234.     A.  244  &a.     G.  395.     B.  215.] 

55.  The  Ablative  is  used  with  the  nouns  opus  and  usus, 
need:  virtute  opus  erat,  there  was  need  of  courage.      [H.  477, 
III  (414,  IV).     M.  252.     A.  243,  e.     G.  406.     B.  218,  2.] 

56.  The  Ablative  is  used  to  denote  in  what  particular 
an  expression  is  to  be  regarded  as  true  :  celeritate  supera- 


20  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

bant,  they  excelled  in  swiftness  (not  in  strength  or  pru- 
dence). [H.  480  (424).  M.  238,  i.  A.  253.  G.  397.  B.  226.] 

57.  The  Ablative  is  used  to  denote  price  and  definite 
value  :   sestertium   quinque   milibus   eum   corrupit,   he  bribed 
him  with  5000  sesterces.     [H.  478  (422).    M.  251.    A.  252.    G.  404. 

B.  225.] 

«*• 

LESSON   XI 
Passives.  —  [H.  404,  2:  410,1:  411,1:  413:  426,3:  468:  518:611 

(373>  2 :  374,  I  :  376,  N. :  384,  II,  5  :  415,  I,  2 :  464 :  465  :  534,  I,  with  N.  I 
&  2).  M.  174,  3:  184,  N.  I  :  193:  205,  N.:  247,  I  &  2:  274.  A.  146,^: 
177,0:  230:  237,  a\  239,  l,a,  N.  2:  239,  2,  b,  N.  2  :  239,  c,  N.  2 :  246:  248, 
c\  330,3,  I  &  2:  330,  c.  G.  206:  214:  216:  217:  251,2:  339,  3  &  N.  4: 
340,  R.  I  :  346,  R.  I  :  401  :  528,  I  &  2.  B.  177,  3:  178,  2  &  a:  179,  3:  187, 
II,  £:  216:  256:  332.] 

The  following  changes  (58-62)  occur  in  passing   from 
the  active  to  the  passive  construction :  — 

58.  The  direct  object  of  the  active  voice  becomes  the 
subject  of   the  passive,  while  the  subject   of   the  active 
becomes  either  the  Ablative  of  agent  with  a  or  ab,  or  the 
Ablative  of  means  without  a  preposition. 

Active  :    Aquitani   Valerium  interfecerunt,    the  Aquitanians 

killed  Valerius. 
Passive  :  Valerius  ab  Aquitanis  interfectus  est,  Valerius  was 

killed  by  the  Aquitanians. 

[H.  404,  2:  468:  518(415,1,2:  464).     M.  184,  N.  I  :   247, 1  &  2.    A.  177, a: 
237,  a:   246:   248,  c.     G.  214:   216:  401.     B.  216.] 

59.  Verbs  of  creating,  calling,  etc.  change  both  object 
Accusatives  of  the  active  to  Nominatives. 

Active  :  Ciceronem  consulem  creaverunt,  they  elected  Cicero 
consul. 


INTRODUCTION  2 1 

Passive  :  Cicero  consul  creatus  est,  Cicero  was  elected  consul. 
[H.  410,  i  (373,  2).    M.  174,  3.   A.  239,  i,  a,  N.  2.    G.  340,  R.  i.    B.  177,  3.] 

60.  Verbs  of  asking,  demanding,  etc.  may   retain    one 
Accusative,  usually  that  of   the  thing    asked,  demanded, 
etc. ;  but  few  verbs  of  this  class  are  used  in  the  Passive. 
Active  :    Aristideii  sententiam  rogaverunt,  they  asked  Aristi- 

des  his  opinion. 
Passive:     Aristides    sententiam    rogatus    est,   Aris tides  was 

asked  his  opinion. 
[H.  41 1,  i  (374,  i).     M.  193.     A.  239,  *:,  N.  2.     G.  339,3&N.4.     B.  178,2  &«.] 

61.  Verbs  which  in  the  active  govern  the  Dative  must 
be  used  impersonally  in  the  passive,  while  the  Dative  is 
retained. 

Active  :  navibus  nocebant,  they  injured  the  ships. 
Passive  :  navibus  nocebatur,  the  ships  were  injured. 

[H.  426,  3  (384,  II,  5).    M.  205,  N.    A.  230.    G.  208,  2:  217:  346,  R.  I. 
B.  187,  II,  b.~\ 

62.  Verbs  of  saying,  thinking,  etc.  used  in  the  passive 
are  usually  personal  in  the  Present,  Imperfect,  and  Future, 
and  impersonal  in  the  tenses  formed  on  the  Perfect  stem. 
These  verbs  in  the  second  or  passive  periphrastic  conjuga- 
tion are  impersonal.     lubeo  and  veto  are  always  personal 
in  the  passive. 

Active :  putamus  Ciceronem  maximum  oratorem  Romanum 
fuisse,  we  tJiink  that  Cicero  was  the  greatest  Roman 
orator. 

Passive :  Cicero  maximus  orator  Romanus  fuisse  putatur, 
Cicero  is  thought  to  have  been  the  greatest  Roman  ora- 
tor;  putatum  est  Ciceronem  maximum  oratorem  fuisse, 
it  was  thougJit  that  Cicero  zvas  the  greatest  orator. 

[H.  611  (534,  I,  with  N.  I  &  2).  M.  274.  A.  330,  b,  i  &  2 :  330,  c.  G.  528, 
I  &  2.  B.  332,  a-d  &  N.] 


22  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

Caution.  —  Many  verbs  intransitive  in  Latin  are  transi- 
tive in  English,  and  so  in  English  may  be  used  personally 
in  the  passive.  This,  however,  cannot  be  done  with  their 
Latin  equivalents  (see  61):  the  slave  was  spared,  servo  par- 
citum  est.  ^ 

LESSON   XII 
Possession :     Genitive,    Dative,    Adjective,    Pronoun.  — 

[H.  348  :  353  :  430  :  439,  with  3  &  4  :  440,  I  with  N.  2  :  501-503  &  I  :  504  (330  : 
33I:  387:  395»N-2:  396,  I:  448:  449  &  0-  M-  163,  2,5  &  6:  164:  212: 
217:  433:  434.  A.  99,  a:  164,  c,d&h\  190:  195  &  1 :  196:  197  &  a,  I : 
214,  a&c:  231.  G.  182,  5  &  7:  309:  349:  362:  364:  366.  B.  151:  152: 
190:  195:  198:  242-244:  247,2:  354,4:  359,  i.] 

63.  Possession  is  generally  expressed  by  the  Genitive  : 
Atheniensium    in    coldniam    missus    est,   Jie  was  sent  into  a 
colony  of  the  Athenians.     [H.  439:  440,  i  (396, 1).    M.  217,  i  &  2. 

A.  214,  a  &  c.     G.  362  &  R.  1-3  :  366.     B.  195  :   198.] 

64.  Instead  of  the  Genitive  of  personal  pronouns,  the 
possessive  adjectives  are   used,  agreeing   with  the   thing 
possessed   in   gender,    number,    and   case.     In   the   third 
person  note  the  difference  between  the  use  of  suus  (re- 
flexive) and  the  Genitive  of  is,  ea,  id.     Suus  is  an  adjec- 
tive and  agrees,  while  is,  ea,  id  is  a  pronoun  and  is  used 
in  the  Genitive  case :    nostri  libri,  our  books ;   suis  copils 
eorum  castra  adortus  est,  with  his  forces  he  attacked  their 
camp.       [H.  440,  i,  N.  2:  501-503,  i  (448:  449,  i,  i)).    M.433:  434.    A. 
99,  a:   195  &  I  :   196,  a,  I  :   197  &  a,  I.      G.  309:  362,  R.  1 :  364.      B.  243,  I 
&  a  :   244,  I  &  II :   247,  2.] 

65.  Derivative  adjectives  are  sometimes  used  to  denote 
possession  :  Pompeianus,   of  Pompey ;  alienus,  belonging  to 
another  (alius).      [H.  348-353  (330:  331 :  395,  N.  2).    M.  163,  2,  5  &  6: 

164.      A.   164,  c,  d  &  h\   190.      G.   182,  5  &  7:   362,  with  R.  I  &  2.      B.  151  : 


INTRODUCTION  23 

66.  Possession  may  be  expressed  by  the  Dative  of  the 
possessor  with  the  verb  sum,  having  the  thing  possessed 
as  the  subject :   Thrasybiilo  erat  corona,  facta  duabus  virgulis 
oleagims,    Thrasybulus   had  a   crown,    made  of  two  olive 
branches.     [H.  430  (387).    M.  212.    A.  231.    G.  349.    B.  190.] 

67.  With  the  Genitive,  the  possessor  is  made  emphatic  ; 
with  the  Dative  the  idea  of  possession  is  more  prominent ; 
habeo  and  similar  verbs  add  the  idea  of  holding  or  keep- 
ing :     Caesaris   exercitus,    Caesar  S  army ;    Caesari   exercitus 
erat,  Caesar  had  an  army  ;  Caesar  exercitum  habebat,  Caesar 
had  (and  kept)  an  army.     [H.  430  (387,  footnote  3).    M.  212,  N.  i. 
A.  231,  R.    G.  349,  R.  2  &  3.     B.  359,  i.]  - 


LESSON    XIII 
Description  —  By  Phrase.  —  [H.  393 :  437 :  439 :  440, 3 :  448,  with 

l&4:  467:  470:  473,2(362:  363:  393:  395:  396,  V:  404:  405:  415,  III: 
419,  II  &  111,2).  M.  174,  3:  179:  215:  221-224:  235:  246.  A.  184:  185: 
213-215  &  N. :  244:  251  &  N. :  252,  a  &  b.  G.  288:  320:  321:  325:  360: 
365:  379:  380:  400-  B.  167-169:  197:  203:  224.] 

68.  To  describe  a  noun  in  English,  we  may  use  such 
expressions  as  a  brave  consul ;  a  consul  of  great  bravery ; 
the  consul,  a  brave  man  ;  the  consul  is  a  brave  man.     So  in 
Latin  there  may  be  used  an  adjective,  a  descriptive  Geni- 
tive or  Ablative,  an  appositive  or  a  predicate  noun. 

69.  The  Genitive  of  description  is  always  qualified  by  an 
adjective  :  opus  summl  laboris,  a  task  of  very  great  labor. 
[H.  440,  3  (396,  V&N.  i).    M.  222.    A.  215  &N.    G.  365.    B.  203^  with  i  &  5.] 

70.  A  Genitive  of  material  is  sometimes  used,  instead 
of  the  more  common  Ablative  with  a  preposition  :   anulus 


24  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

auri,  a  ring  of  gold ;   more  usually,  mensa  e  ligno,  a  table 
of  (from}  wood.     [H.  440,  3:  470  (396,  V:  415,  III).    M.  221 :  235. 

A.  214,  e:  244.     G.  368.     B.  197.] 

71.  A  descriptive  Genitive  .  of  measure  is   often  used : 
iter  mille  passuum,  a  journey  of  a  mile.      [H.  440,  3  (396,  V). 
M.  223.     A.  215,  b.     G.  365,  R.  2.     B.  203,  2  &  5.] 

72.  The  Genitive  is  used  to  denote  indefinite  value  (cf. 
57)  :  magni  interest,  it  is  of  great  importance  ;  in  bello  Cono- 
nis  opera  magni  fuit,  in  the  war  Conon's  assistance  was  val- 
uable.     [H.  440,  3:  448,  with  I  &4  (396,  V:  404:  405).    M.  224.    A.  252, 
with  a  &  b.     G.  379  :  380,  I  &  2.     B.  203,  3  &  4.] 

73.  The  Ablative  of  description  is  qualified  by  an  ad- 
jective or  a  genitive  :   Galli  erant  magno  corpore,  the  Gauls 
were  of  great  stature.     [H.  473,  2  (419,  II).    M.  246.    A.  251  &  N. 
G.  400.    B.  224  &  1-3.] 

74.  For  description  the  Genitive  and  the  Ablative  are 
often  used  without  distinction ;  but  generally  the  Genitive 
describes  the  essential  qualities  ;  the  Ablative,  the  physical. 

[H.  473,  2,  N.  I  (419,  III,  2).     M.  246,  N.    A.  215,  N.  :  251,  a.    G.  400,  R.  i. 

B.  224,  3.] 

75.  Compare  the  Ablative  of  description  with  the  Abla- 
tive of  specification  (56):  (i)  a  man  of  great  courage  ;  (2)  a 
man  great  in   courage.       Note   that  in  (i)  the    adjective 
directly  qualifies  the  describing  noun  and  the  descriptive 
Ablative  is  used  ;  in  (2)  the  adjective  directly  qualifies  the 
noun  described  and  the  Ablative  of  specification  is  used  : 
vir  summa  virtute  ;   vir  summus  virtute. 

For   the    order   and    agreement  of    an    adjective,  see  2 
and  8. 

For  description  by  appositive  and  predicate  noun,  see  7. 


INTRODUCTION  25 


LESSON   XIV 

Description  —  By  Clause.  —  [H.  396,  with  2  &  N.  :  399 :  510 : 524 

&  i:  589  &  I:  591,1,  5  &  7  (445  #4:  453=  475»  n>  I:  5°3)-  M-  l82:  3§o: 
383:  448:  450:  455.  A.  197,  5:  198-201:  320.  G.  610:  612-616:  621: 
624:  631.  B.  250,  1-4:  251,  1-6:  271  :  282,  3:  283,  I  &  2:  312,  i.] 

76.  A  noun  may  be  described  not  only  as  in  the  pre- 
vious lesson,  but  also  by  a  relative-  clause  :  the  consul,  zvho 
is  a  brave  man ;  a  consul  who  is  a  brave  man.     In  the 
first  example,  where   some  particular  consul  is  in  mind, 
in  Latin  the   Indicative  is  used ;  in  the  second  example, 
where  the  antecedent  is  less  definite,  the  Subjunctive  is 
generally  used. 

77.  A   relative  clause   regularly  takes   the    Indicative, 
unless  there  is  some   clearly  defined  reason  to  the  con- 
trary.    The  Indicative  is  the  mood  of  fact,  and  is  used 
in  all  relative  clauses  which  simply  state  facts,  and  where 
the  antecedents  are  definite  without  the  relative  clause: 
consul  qui  fortis  vir  est,  the  consul,  who  is  a  brave  man. 
[H.  524  &  I  :  589  &  I  (475,  II,  i).      M.  380.      A.  Remarks  preceding  316. 
G.  624.     B.  312,  i.] 

78.  A  subjunctive  of  characteristic  is  used  in  a  relative 
clause,  which  adds  an  essential  quality  to  an  antecedent 
otherwise  too  indefinite  for  clear  understanding.     This  is 
especially  common  with  such  words  and   expressions    as 
unus,  solus,  dignus,  indignus,  aptus,  idoneus,  sunt   qui  (there 
are  some  zvho\  qui  sunt  qui  (zuko  are  there  who?):  solus 
erat  qui  non  fugeret,  lie  was  the  only  one  who  did  not  flee. 
[H.  591,  1,5  &7  (503,1  &II).    M.  383.    A.  320,  with  a,  b  &  f.    G.  631,  with 
I,  2  &  3.    B.  282,  3  :   283,  I  &  2.] 


26  LATIN  PROSE  COMPOSITION 

REMARKS  ON  THE  USE  OF  RELATIVES 

79.    i.  The  relative  cannot  be  omitted  in  Latin:  homo 
quern  vidi,  the  man  I  saw. 

2.  While   the   relative   agrees   with    its    antecedent    in 
gender   and   number,   it   agrees  rather  with   a   predicate 
noun  in  its  own  clause  than  with  an  antecedent  of  dif- 
ferent gender  or  number  from  the  predicate  noun :  Liger, 
quod  est  Galliae  flumeii,  the  Loire,  which  is  a  river  of  Gaul. 

3.  The  antecedent  may  come  in  the   relative   clause. 
This  regularly  happens  if  the  relative  clause  comes  before 
the  natural  position  of  the  antecedent :  quam  quisque  for- 
tunam  habet,  hac  fruatur,  let  eacJi  enjoy  what  fortune  he  has. 

4.  The  relative  often  stands  first  in  a  sentence,  refer- 
ring  to    something   that   has   preceded.       In    English,    a 
demonstrative  pronoun  is  more  common  with  a  conjunc- 
tion or  conjunctive  adverb :    quae  cum  ita  sint,  now  since 
these  things  are  so. 


LESSON   XV 
Means  and  Agency.  —  [H.  334-336 :  43  *  & J  =  467 :  468 :  476 : 477 : 

638,  I  (326,  i:  327,  2  &  3:  388:  415,  I  &N.:  418:  420:  421,11:  453,  2,  N.  2: 
549,  I  &  4).  M.  161,  2  &  5  :  207:  247:  250.  A.  162:  163,  c  &  d\  201,  b\ 
232  &  N. :  246  &  No :  246,  R.  &  b :  248,  c.  G.  181,  I  &  6 :  355  :  401  :  405,  N. 
3.  B.  147,  i&4:  189:  216:  218,  with  7  &  8:  337,  2,  </.] 

80.  Means  and  agency  are  often  expressed  in  English 
by  the  use  of  the  same  preposition.     In  translating  into 
Latin,  the  distinction  between  means  and  agency  must  be 
clearly  drawn. 

81.  Means  or  instrument  is  expressed  by  the  Ablative 
without  a  preposition.      It  is   also  used   with  verbs  and 


INTRODUCTION 


adjectives  of  fullness  and  plenty :  giadio  se  defendebat,  he 

was  defending  himself  by  (means  of}  his  sword.     [H.  476: 

477,  II  (420:  421,  II).     M.  247,   I  :   250.     A.  248,  <r,  I   &  2.     G.  401  &  R. : 
405,  N.  3.     B.  218  &  8.J 

82.  The  agent  of  a  passive  verb  is  expressed  by  the 
Ablative  with  a  or  ab.      This  agent  is  generally  personal 
and  voluntary  :  ab  Dionysio  expulsus  est,  he  was  expelled  by 
Dionysius.     [H.  467:  468  (415,  I).    M.  247,  2.    A.  246  &  R.    G.  401. 
B.  216  &  i.] 

83.  If  the  person  is  regarded  as  a  means  rather  than 
the  real  agent,  per  with  the  Accusative  is  used ;  Caesar 
also  uses  the  Ablative  without  a  preposition  :  Caesar  per 
legates  certior  factus  est,  Caesar  was  informed  by  (means  of} 
ambassadors.    [11.468,3  (415, 1,  I,N.  i).    M. 247,3.    A.246,  b.   6.401.] 

84.  With  the  passive  periphrastic  conjugation,  the  agent 
is  expressed  by  the  Dative  (12).     If  the  verb  governs  also 
an  object  Dative,  the  agent  is  expressed  by  the  Ablative 
with  the  preposition  when  confusion  would  otherwise  arise  : 
nobis  Catilma  iam  diu  pertimescendus   est,  we  have  now  for 
a  long  time  been  obliged  to  fear  Catiline  ;  ab  imperatore  ei 
parcendum  est,  the  general  ought  to  spare  him.      [H.  431*  with 
i  &  3,  N.  (388  &  N.)..   M.  207  &  N.I.     A.  232  &  N.     G.  355  &  R.     6.189,1 

with  a  &  2.] 

•+• 

LESSON    XVI 
Manner   and    Accompaniment.  —  [H.  304-310:  473  (i,  3  &  N.), 

474,  2,  &  N.  I  (303-305:  419,  I  &  III,  with  footnote  3:  419,  III,  i  &  N.). 
M.  148-151  :  244:  245.     A.  148  :   248  &  R.  :   248,  a  &  N. :   248,  b:   253,  N.     G. 

91:    92:    392:     399:    439.       B.    157:    220-222  &  I.] 

85.  The  manner  in  which   an  action   is  done    may  be 
expressed  by  the  Ablative  with  cum.      If  a  limiting  adjec- 
tive or  Genitive  is  used,  cum  may  be   omitted  :  cum  cura 
castra    muniebantur,    the    camp    was   being   carefully  (with 


28  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

care)  fortified ;  par!  modo  Epaminondas  superabat  omnes  in 
ceteris  artibus,  in  like  manner  Epaminondas  surpassed  all 
in  the  other  arts.  [H.  473,  3  &  N.  (419,  ill,  with  footnote  3  &  N.  2). 

M.  245.     A.  248  &  R. :   253,  N.     G.  399.     B.  220  &  I  :  221.] 

86.  Accompaniment  also  is  expressed  by  the  Ablative 
with  cum.     Cum  may  be  omitted  under  the  same  condi- 
tions as  in  85,  especially  in  military  expressions.     Verbs 
of  contention  and  similar  words  take  the  Ablative  of  ac- 
companiment :  secum  aurum  habebat,  he  had  the  gold  with 
him ;    omnibus  suis   secutus   est,   he  followed  zvith  all  his 
men ;   Catilma  cum  civibus   certavit,    Catiline  fonght  with 
his  fellow-citizens.     [H.  473,  i:  474,  2,  &  N.  i  (419,  I  &  III,  i). 

M.  244.     A.  248,  with  a  &  N. :  248,  b.     G.  392  &  R.     B.  222  &  I.] 

87.  Manner  is  frequently  expressed  by  an  adverb,  espe- 
cially when  not  qualified  :  celeriter  progressus  est,  he  ad- 
vanced quickly  (or  with  swiftness}.     [H.  304:  306:  307:  309: 
310(303:  305*  V).    M.  148-151.    A.  148.    G.  91:  92:  439.    6.157.] 


LESSON    XVII 
Comparison.  —  [H.  159:  311:  471:  479:  497-499:  516,  3:  591,  6 

(170:  306:  417:  423:  440:  444:  459,  2:  503,  II,  3).  M.  67-71:  239: 
248:  383,  3:  423:  426-429.  A.  89-93:  192,  with  a  &  b:  193:  247  &  a-d\ 
250:  320,  c:  332,  £:  336,  c,  N.  2.  G.  86-89:  93:  291,  R.  2:  296-303:  398: 
4°3  :  439 :  631,  3  &R.:  638-644.  6.71-77:  217:223:  240:  241:  283,  2,  a: 
284,4:  341,  I,  <:).] 

88.  As  in  English,  the  comparative  degree  is  used  in 
comparing  two  objects,  the  superlative  in  comparing  more 
than  two.    [H.  498(444).    M.  67:426.   A.  192:  193.   6.300.] 

89.  When  both  objects  compared  would  naturally  be  in 
the  Nominative  or  the  Accusative,  the  adverb  quam,  than, 
may  be  omitted  and  the  second  object  put  in  the  Ablative 


INTRODUCTION  29 

case.  When  quam  is  used,  the  objects  compared  must  be 
in  the  same  case :  Caesar  erat  Pompeio  felicior,  Caesar  was 
more  successful  than  Pompey  ;  non  minus  ilia  oratioiie  quam 
Leuctrica  pugna,  no  less  by  that  speech  than  by  tJie  battle  at 
Leuctra.  [H.  471,  with  i  &  3  (417  &.  i,  with  N.  i).  M.  239,  i  &  2. 

A.  247  &  a.     G.  296  &  R.  I  :   398.     B.  217,  I  &  2.] 

90.  With  amplius,  plus,  minus,  and  longius,  even  when 
quam  is  omitted,  an  expression  of  measure  may  be  used 
without  change    in    case  :   amplius   decem  dies  obsessionem 
sustinebant,  for  wore  than  ten  days  they  endured  the  siege. 
[H.  471,4  (417,  i,  N.  2).    M.  239,  3.    A.  247,^.    G.  296,  R.  4.    6.217,3.] 

91.  When   adjectives   or   adverbs   are   compared,    both 
generally  have  the  form  of  the  comparative  degree ;  but 
magis,   more,   with    positive    forms   is  also  used :  audacius 
quam    prudeiitius,    more    boldly    than    wisely ;    miser  magis 
quam  improbus,  (a  matt)  unfortunate  rather  than  wicked. 

[H.  159  &  i  :  499  £  i  (444,  2).     M.  429.      A.   192,  with  a  &  b.     G.  299. 

B.  74 :  240,  4.] 

92.  To  show  by  how  much  one  object  compared  differs 
from  the  other,  the  Ablative  of  degree  (measure)  of  differ- 
ence is  used  :  multo  magis  hoc  timeo,  much  the  more  do  I 
fear  this.     [H.  471,  10:  479  (417,  2 :  423).    M.  248.    A.  250.     G.  403. 
B.  223.] 

93.  If  the  second  object  compared  is  expressed  by  a 
clause,  quam,  quam  ut,  or  quam  qul  with  the  Subjunctive  is 
used  :  omnia  faciebat  quam  (ut)  coniurationi  se  adiungeret,  he 

did  everything  rather  than  join  the  conspiracy.  [H.  591,  6  (503, 
II,  3).  M.  383,  3.  A.  320,  c\  332,  b-.  336,  c,  N.  2.  G.  631,  3&  R.  B.  283, 
2,  a:  284,4.] 

94.  Note  also  the  following  peculiar  uses  :  — 

I.    Alius  followed  by  ac  (atque),   than.     [H.  471,  6:  516,  3 
(459,  2).     A.  247,  d.     G.  643.     B.  341,  i,  *.] 


30  LATIN  PROSE  COMPOSITION 

2.  Diets,  etc.,  used  instead  of  a  clause.     [H.  471,  8  (417,  N. 

5).     M.  239,  i.    A.  247,  b.     0.398,  N.I.     B.  217,  4.] 

3.  Summus,  medius,  etc.  used  to  express  what  part  of  an 
object  is  meant.     [H.  497,  4  (440,  2,  N.  i  &  2).     M.  423.    A.  193. 

G.  291,  R.  2.     B.  241,  i.] 

4.  Quam  with  superlatives  denoting  highest  possible  de- 
gree.     [H.  159,  2  (170,  2,  (2)).    A.  93,^.     G.  303  &R.  i.    B.  240,  3.] 


LESSON    XVIII 
Relations  of  Place.  —  [H.  307:  308:  417  &  3-419:  461 :  462:  476: 

483-485:  491  (305,  I-III:  379:  380:  412:  425-428).  M.  151:  196:  199: 
233:  240:  241,  I  &  3:  242:  247,  N.  I.  A.  149,  a:  254:  257:  258,  entire. 
G.  no,  II,  i:  335:  337:  385:  386:  390:  391:  401,  R.  6:  411:  611,  R.  i. 
B.  17,  I  :  21,  2,  c)  :  25,  5  :  181  :  182,  1-3  :  218,  3  :  219,  I  &  a  :  228  &  I,  a-c : 
229,  with  I  &  2  :  232.] 

95.  Place  Whither  is  expressed  by  the  Accusative  with 
a   preposition,   usually   ad  or  in ;   Place  Whence,  by   the 
Ablative  with  a  preposition,  usually  ab,  de,  or  ex;  Place 
Where,  by  the  Ablative  with  the  preposition  in. 

ad  urbem  pervenit,  he  arrived  at  (to)  the  city  ;  ex  urbe  exiit, 
he  departed  from  the  city ;  in  urbe  adhuc  remanent,  they 
still  remain  in  the  city.  [H.  418:  461 :  483:  491,  I  (380,!:  412, 

I:  425,  I:  427).       M.  199  &  N.  4:   233,  i:   240.       A.  254:   258  &  c.      G. 
337  :   385:   390.     B.  182,  2&3:   228:   229  &  2.] 

96.  With  names  of  Towns  and  with  domus  and  rus  the 
preposition  is  omitted,  except  when  the  idea  of  neighbor- 
hood is  to  be  expressed  :  Roma  exiit,  he  departed  from  Rome ; 
ad  Rom  am  profectus  est,  he  set  out  for  (the  neighborhood  of) 
Rome.     [H.  418  &  4:  419,1:  462 &  2-4:  491,11,  i  &2  (380, II,  with  i  &2  : 

412,  II,  with  3  &  N.  :  425,  II:  426:  428, 1  &  II).  M.  199  &  I  :  199,  2,  with  N. 
I  &  2 :  241,  I  &  3.  A.  258,  a,  with  N.  I  &  2  :  258,  b,  with  N.  2  &  3.  G.  337  & 
R.  4 :  386  &  R.  2 :  391  &  R.  I.  B.  182,  I  &  3  :  228,  I,  a-c :  229,  I  &  2.] 


INTRODUCTION  3 1 

97.  To  express  Place  Where  with  names  of  towns  of  the 
first  or  second  declension,  and  with  domus  and  rus,  a  special 
form,  the  Locative,  is  used. 

The  Locative  ends,  in  the  first  declension  singular,  in  ae ; 
in  the  second  declension  singular  in  i ;  in  the  plural  of  both 
these  declensions  in  is. 

Zamae  Hannibal  victus  est,  Hannibal  was  conquered  at 
Zama  ;  Athenis  vivebat  Theseus,  Theseus  lived  at  Athens. 
[H.  483  :  484,  I  &  2,  with  N.  I  &  2 :  491,  II  &  3  (425,  II,  with  3,  i)  &  2): 
428,111).  M.29,2:242.  A.  258,  r,  2  &  d.  0.411.  B.  21,2,  <•):  25,5  : 
228,  i,  a):  232,  with  I  &  2.] 

98.  Many  verbal  ideas  take  an  Ablative  of  Place  Where, 
without  a  preposition.     Examples  of  such  are  mtor,  sto, 
fido,  contentus,  and  fretus  :  insidiis  nisus  est,  he  relied  upon 
an  ambuscade.     [H.  476,  i  &  3  (425,  II,  i,  i),  N.).    M.  247,  N.  i.    A. 

254,  b,  I  &  2.     G.  401,  R.  6.     B.  218,  3  :   219,  I  &  a.~\ 

99.  These  relations  are  often  expressed  by  the  adverbs 

of  place.      [H.  307,  2-5  (305, 1-III).      M.  151.     A.  149,  a.     G.  iio,II, 
1 :  6ll,  R.  I.] 


LESSON   XIX 
Relations  of  Time  —  By  Phrase.  —  [H.  308,  i :  310:  417:  440, 

3:  486-489,  I  :  638,  I,  (305,  IV  &  N.  2,  2):  379  :  429-431,  I  :  549»,0-  M- 
151:  197:  243:  249:  255,  I.  A.  149,  b:  255,  d,  i:  256:  259,  a-d:  292. 
G.  no,  II,  2:  336:  393:  394:  403  &  N.  4:  409:  410:  665:  670.  B.  181  : 
203,2:  223:  227,2,0):  230:  231:  337,2,0:  357,1.] 

100.  The  Time  When  the  action  occurred  is  expressed  by 
the  Ablative,  usually  with  some  modifier.  The  preposition 
in  is  regularly  used  with  numerals,  in  marking  the  period 
of  life,  and  when  the  Time  Within  Which  is  emphasized : 


32  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

hoc  tempore  consul  creatus  est,  at  this  time  he  was  elected 
consul ;  in  nocte  magnae  copiae  pervenerant,  in  the  night 
great  forces  had  arrived.  [H.  486 :  487,  with  i  &  2  (429,  with  i  &  2). 
M.  243.  A.  256  &  a.  G.  393  &  R.  5  :  394.  B.  230,  with  1-3 :  231.] 

101.  Time  During  Which  is  expressed  by  the  Accusa- 
tive, sometimes  intensified  by  the  use  of  per,  through :  iilud 
tempus  Caesar  in  Gallia  erat,  during  that  time  Caesar  was  in 
Gaitl.       [H.  417  &  i  (379  &  i).     M.  197:  243  &  N.     A.  256,  with  a  &  b. 
G.  336.     B.  181,  i  &  2.] 

Compare  the  descriptive  Genitive  of  measure  (71),  which 
is   often   used  to   express    measure  or   duration  of   time. 

[H.  440,  3  (396,  V).     M.  223.     A.  215,  b.     G.  365,  R.  2.     B.  203,  2.] 

102.  Time  Before  or  After  an  action  has  either  the  Abla- 
tive of  degree  of  difference  or  the  Accusative  of  extent : 
multis   ante  diebus   or  multos   dies  ante,  many  days  before. 
[H.  479,  3:  488,  I  &  2  (423,  N.  2:  430  &  footnote  3).     M.  249.     A.  259,  d. 
G.  403,  N.  4.     B.  223:  357,  i.] 

103.  i.  The  preceding  relations  of   time  are  often  ex- 
pressed by  adverbs.     [H.  308  &  i  (305,  IV  &  N.  2,  2)).    M.  151.    A. 

149,  b.     G.  1 10,  II,  2.     B.  157.] 

2.  The  Ablative  absolute  (21-24)  is  often  used  instead 
of  a  temporal  clause.     [H.  489  &  i  (431,  i).    M.  255,  i.    A.  255,  d, 

i.     6.409:  410:  665.     B.  227,  2,  #).] 

3.  For  special  expressions  of  time,  see  H.  486,  i :  487,  i  &  2: 

488  (429,  2).     M.  243.     A.  259,  a-c.     G.  394.     B.  230,  2  &  3:  231,  i.] 


LESSON   XX 
Relations  of  Time  —  Dates.  —  [H.  754-756  (641-644)-    M.  498- 

506.     A.  259,  e:  376.     G.  Appendix,  Roman  Calendar.     B.  371,  1-7:  372.] 

104.    The  Roman  year  originally  began  in  March.     The 
names   of   the   months   were   lanuarius,  Februarius,  Martius, 


INTRODUCTION  33 

Aprilis,  Maius,  lunius,  Quintilis  (lulius),  Sextilis  (Augustus), 
September,  October,  November,  December.  These  words 
are  adjectives,  and  agree  with  Kalendae,  Nonae,  or  Idus. 

105.  i.   In  reckoning  dates,  the  Romans  counted  back- 
wards from  three  points  —  the  Nonae  and  the  Idus  of  the 
same  month,  and  the  Kalendae  of  the  month  to  come. 

2.  The  Nonae  were  usually  the  fifth  day  of  the  month 
and  the  Idus  the  thirteenth  —  except  that  in  March,  May, 
July,  and  October,  they  were  the  seventh  and  the  fif- 
teenth respectively.  The  Kalendae  were  always  the  first : 
Idibus  Martiis,  on  the  *5th  of  March ;  Nonls  Aprilibus,  on 
the  5th  of  April ;  Kalendis  Septembribus,  the  ist  of  Sep- 
tember. 

106.  The   Roman   system   of  counting  both   ends  of  a 
series  gives  the  following  important  rules  for  finding  the 
number  of  days  before  the   Nones  or  Ides  of  the  same 
month,  or  Kalends  of  the  following  month. 

1.  If   the    English   date  is  between  the   Kalends    and 
Nones  or  between  the  Nones  and  Ides,  add  one  to  the  day 
on  which  the  Nones  or  the  Ides  fall  in  that  month,  and 
then  subtract  the  English  date.     Note  examples  :  English 
date,  February  second  (between  first  and  fifth) ;  hence  add 
i  to  5=6;  subtract  English  date,  6  —  2  —  4 ;    therefore 
ante   diem   quartum  Nonas   Februarias  or  a.  d.  IV.  Noil.  Feb. 
English  date,  May  ninth ;  1  +  15  =  16;   16  —  9  =  7;  hence 
ante  diem  septimum  Idus  Maias. 

2.  If  the  English  date  is  after  the  Ides,  add  two  to  the 
number  of  days  in  the  month  and  then  subtract  the  English 
date :  December  twenty-fifth;    2  +  31  =  33;    33  —  25  =  8; 
hence  ante  diem  octavum  Kalendas  lanuarias. 

LAT.    PROSE   COMP.  —  3 


34  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

3.  Note  that  the   day  before   one    of   these   points   of 
reckoning  was  always  prldie  (never  secundus)  :  prldie  Nonas 
lulias,  the  sixth  of  July. 

4.  For  peculiarities  of  construction  in  dates,  see  H.  754, 

III,  3  (642,  III,  4).     M.  501.     A.  259,  e.     G.  Appendix,  Par.  4.     B.  371,  6. 


LESSON    XXI 
Relations  of  Time  —  By  Clause.  —  [H.  600-605 :  683,  2  &  N. 

(518-521).     M.  343-354-     A.  322-325:  327:  328.     G.  559-585.     B.  287- 
289:  291-293.] 

107.  In  temporal  clauses  the  Indicative  is  generally  used 
to  define  the  time  of  the  main  clause  ;  the  Subjunctive  to 
describe  the  time  by  giving  some  circumstance.     But  the 
construction  used  with  the  different  temporal  conjunctions 
in  the  text  should  be  carefully  noted. 

108.  Postquam,  cum  primum,  ubi,  ut,  and  simul  atque  are 
regularly  followed  by  the  Perfect  Indicative,  for  these  tem- 
poral conjunctions  make  the  time  definite  :  Catilma  post- 
quam   se   compressum   cognovit,  ex  urbe  exiit,  after  Catiline 
knew  himself  to  be  foiled,  he  left  the  city.     [H.  602  (518).    M. 
343.    A.  324.    G.  561.    B.  287,  i.] 

109.  With    cum   temporal    referring   to    past   time,  the 
Imperfect    or   Pluperfect    Subjunctive    is   generally  used. 
To  denote  a  definite  past  time  the  Perfect  Indicative  may 
be  used.     In  referring  to  present  or  future  time,  cum  is 
followed  by  the   Indicative :  cum  ill!  se  defenderent,  hostes 
plures  convenerunt,  while  they  were  defending  themselves, 
the  enemy  assembled  in  greater  numbers  ;  cum  venerit,  vobis- 
cum  ibo,  when  he  comes  (shall  have  come)  I  will  go  with 


INTRODUCTION  35 

you ;  cum  summa  tradita  esset  Perdiccae  tuenda,  Eumeni 
Cappadocia  data  est,  when  the  sovereignty  had  been  in- 
trusted to  the  charge  of  Perdiccas,  Cappadocia  was  given 
to  Eumenes.  [H.  600,  I  &  II,  with  i  (521).  M.  344-348.  A.  325, 

entire.     G.  579:  580:  585.     B.  288,  I,  A  &  B:  289.] 

110.  Antequam  and  priusquam  have  the  same  construc- 
tions as  cum  temporal :  prius  vero  quam  equitatus  noster  per- 
vemret,  pedites  hostes  vicerant,  but  before  our  cavalry  arrived, 
the  infantry  had  defeated  the  enemy.     [H.  605  (520).     M.  349- 
351.    A.  327  &«.    0.574:577.     6.291:292.] 

111.  Dum,  donee,  and  quoad,  meaning  as  long  as,  take 
the  Indicative  ;  meaning  until,  they  take  the  Subjunctive 
to   denote   purpose   and   futurity,    but   the    Indicative   to 
denote  an  actual  fact :  dum  haec  geruntur,  reliqui  discesse- 
runt,  while  t/iese  things  were  going  on,  the  rest  departed ; 
exspectabant   dum  equites   reverterentur,  tJiey  were  waiting 
until  their  cavalry  should  return.     [H.  603:  604,  i  (519).     M. 
349:  352-354.    A.  328  &*.    0.569:  571:  572.    B.  293, 1-III,  with  i  &  2.] 


LESSON   XXII 
Use  and  Sequence  of  Tenses.  —  [H.  196-198:  526-550  (197: 

198:  466-473:  491-496).     M.  303-312:  314-317.      A.  276-281:   283-288: 
290.     G.  222-252:  509-519.     6.257-269.] 

112.  In  Latin  the  use  of  tenses  is  more  exact  than  in 
English.  Thus  the  English  Present  or  Future,  strictly 
considered,  should  often  be  a  Future  or  Future  Perfect. 
Carefully  determine  the  exact  time  relation :  si  huic  reme- 
dium  attuleris,  te  remunerabor,  if  you  bring  (shall  have 


36  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

brought,  i.e.  not  until  you  have  completed  the  action)  some 
cure  for  this,  I  will  repay  you.     [H.  540,  2  (470,  with  i  &  2 :  473  & 

2).      M.  311.      A.  278  &  b:  281  &  R.      G.  242  &  R.  I  :   244,  with  R.   I  &  2. 
B.  257,  I  &  2 :   261,  2  :   264,  a.~] 

113.  When  the  action  of  the  dependent  clause  is  either 
in  the  same  or  in  some  future  time  relative  to  that  of  the 
principal  verb,  the  tense  of  the  dependent  clause  is  one 
of  continued  action,    i.e.    Present,   Imperfect,  or   Future. 
When  the  dependent  action  precedes  that  of  the  principal, 
the  dependent  verb  has  a  tense  of  completed  action,  i.e. 
Perfect,  Pluperfect,  or  Future  Perfect :  ille  unus  est  qui  hoc 
facere  possit,  he  is  the  only  one  who  can  do  this ;  ille  unus 
est  qui  hoc  fecerit,  he  is  the  only  one  who  did  do  this. 

114.  i.  The  tenses  are  divided  into  two  classes  :  — 

Primary:  Present,  Future,  and  Future  Perfect  Indica- 
tive, and  Present  and  Perfect  Subjunctive. 

Secondary:  Imperfect,  Perfect,  and  Pluperfect  Indica- 
tive, and  Imperfect  and  Pluperfect  Subjunctive.  [H.  198 

(198).     M.  304.     A.  285.     0.225.     6.258:267,1.] 

2.  On  this  division  depends  the  rule  for  the  sequence  of 
tenses,  which,  however,  affects  only  dependent  subjunctive 
clauses. 

RULE.  —  Any  primary  tense  in  the  principal  clause  is 
followed  by  one  of  the  primary  tenses  in  the  Subjunctive 
clause ;  any  secondary  tense  in  the  principal  clause,  by 
one  of  the  secondary  tenses  of  the  Subjunctive.  [H.  542- 

544:  550(491-496).     M.  314-317.     A.  286:  287.     0.509-519.     B.  266,B: 
267,  2.] 

3.  The  points  to  observe  are  (i)  whether  the  tense  of 
the  principal  verb  is  primary  or  secondary  ;  (2)  whether 


INTRODUCTION  37 

the  action  of  the  dependent  verb  is  still  continuing  or  is 
completed  relative  to  the  time  of  the  principal  verb. 

Then  use  the  tense  that  answers  both  demands.     [H.  545 

(492).     M.  314.     A.  286  &  R.     0.510:   511.     B.  257,  i  :   267,3.] 


INDICATIVE 

SUBJUNCTIVE 

RELATIVE  TIME 
OF  ACTION 

Primary 

f  Present          1 
|  Future 
1  Future  Perf.  J 

Present 
Perfect 

Incomplete 
Complete 

Secondary 

f  Imperfect      j 
\  Perfect 
i  Pluperfect     j 

Imperfect 
Pluperfect 

—  ^  

Incomplete 
Complete 

LESSON    XXIII 
Cause.  —  [H.  316,  7:  475:  48i:  588:  589,  i  &  ii:  592:  598:  599: 

638,1:  683,  2,  N.  (416:  421,111:  516:  517:  540,  IV).  M.  218,  I  :  238,2: 
254:  255,  2:  355-358:  382,  2:  465,  7  &  8:  470,  i.  A.  156,  d-f:  245:  255, 
d,  2:  292:  320,^:  321:  326.  0.373:  397:408:  538-542:  579,  II,  £:  586: 
626:  633.  6.198,1:  219:  226,2:  227,  2,  </):  283,  3&#:  285:  286:  299, 
2:  337.  2,/] 

115.  Cause  expressed  by  a  noun  takes  usually  the  Ab- 
lative,   sometimes   with   a  preposition.      With    dlgnus,   an 
Ablative  of  cause  without  a  preposition  is  regularly  used  : 
qua  (de)  re  senatus  convocatus  est,  because  of  this  thing  the 
senate    was  called   together ;    honoribus    dignus    est,   he   is 
worthy  of  his  honors.     [H.  475 :  481  (416  &  i :  421,  III).    M.  238, 2 : 

254.     A.  245  &  a.     G.  397,  N.  2:  408  &  N.  3.     B.  219 :   226,  2.] 

116.  Cause  is  often  expressed  by  the  Accusative  with 
propter  or  ob  ;  also  by  causa  and  gratia,  for  the  sake  of,  with 
a  qualifying  Genitive  :  propter  aurum  occlsus  est,  he  was 
killed  for  his  gold  ;  exempli  gratia,  for  the  sake  of  illustration 
Or  example.       [H.  475,  2  (416,  I,  2)  &  footnote  2).     M.  218,  1 :  254,  N.  i. 
A.  245,  b&c.      G.  373  &  R. :  408,  N.  3&  5.     6.198,1.] 


38  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

117.  In  causal  clauses,  when  introduced  by  cum  or  qiri, 
the  Subjunctive  is  regularly  used  :  quae  cum  ita  sint,  pro- 
grediamur,  since  these  things  are  so,  let  us  advance.     [H.  589, 

II:   592:   598(517).     M.  355:   382,2.     A.  320,  e:   326.    G.  586  &  R.  I:   633 
B.  283,  3  &  a  :  285  :   286,  2.] 

118.  In    causal   clauses    introduced    by    quod,    quia,    or 
quoniam,  the  Indicative  is  used.    But  if  the  reason  is  quoted 
or  stated  doubtfully,  the  Subjunctive  must  be  used  :  quod 
venistis,  vobiscum  ibo,  because  you  have  come,  I  will  go  with 
you ;    querebatur  quia  sua  vectigalia  maiora  esseiit,  he  was 
complaining  because  (as  he  claimed)  his  taxes  were  too  heavy. 

[H.  588,I&II(5i6,I&lI).    M.  357:  358.    A.  321.    6.539-541.    6.286,1.] 

NOTE.  —  For  differences  in  the  force  of  these  conjunc- 
tions, see  H.  316,  7  (311,  7:  540,  IV,  N.).  M.  465,  7  &  8:  470,  i.  A.  156, 
d-f.  G.  538,  notes  :  542. 


LESSON    XXIV 
Purpose  — By  Phrase.  —  [H.  425,  3:  433,  with  1-3:  435,  i :  608: 

622:  626:  627,  2:  628:  632-634  (384,  II,  I,  3)  :  390  &  N.  i,  2)  :  391,  II, 
!>  (2)  :  533>  II  &  N.  I  :  542,  I,  N.  2  &  III,  N.  2  :  544,  N.  2 :  546).  M.  206 : 
214  &N.  4:  289,3:  291:  295,2:  296:  297:  301:  332.  A.  233:  234  &£: 
294,  </:  298,  R.  &<::  300:  302:  318.  6.356:  359  &  R.  3 :  416,1:  428,  R.  2 : 
430:  432  &R. :  435:  546,  N.  3,  end.  B.  191  entire:  192,  2:  326,  N. :  337, 
7,  2)  :  338,  i,  c)  &  2  &  3 :  339  :  340,  i,  with  a  &  b.~\ 

119.  To  express  purpose  by  a  noun,  the  Accusative  with 
ad  is  used,  especially  with  ideas  of  fitness  and  usefulness : 
ad   hanc  rem  Ciceroni  magno  usui  erat,  for  this  thing  (pttr- 
pose)  he  was  of  great  service  to  Cicero.     [H.  435,  i  (391,  II,  i, 
(2)).     M.  214  &  N.  4.     A.  234  &  b.      G.  359  &  R.  3.     B.  192,  2,  N.] 

120.  The  Dative  of  purpose  is  also  used,  frequently  with 
a  Dative  of  the   person  interested  (Dative   of  reference). 
This  is  most  common  with  dare,  ducere,  esse,  habere,  and 


INTRODUCTION  39 

vertere:     praesidio    decimam    legionem   habebat,   he  had  the 

tenth  legion  as  (for)  a  guard.     [H.  433  &  2  (390,  N.  i,  2)).    M.  206. 

A.  233.     G.  356,  R.  2  &  3.     B.  191,  with  i  &  2.] 

121.  To  express  purpose  in  brief  phrase,  the  Gerundive, 
or  the  Gerund,  may  be  used  in  the  Accusative  with  ad,  or 
in  the  Genitive  preceding  causa  or  gratia. 

1.  The  Gerundive  is  a  passive   participle,  and   agrees 
with  the  noun  governed  by  ad  or  causa. 

2.  The  Gerund,   being  a  verbal  noun,  is  governed  by 
the  ad  or  causa  :  — 

tuorum  consiliorum  reprimendorum  ) 

>   causa  profugerunt, 
tua  consilia  reprimand!  > 

they  fled  for  the  purpose  of  thwarting  your  plans. 
In  the  first  example,  consiliorum  is  the  Genitive  with  causa, 
and  reprimendorum  agrees  with  consiliorum.      In  the  second, 
consilia  is  the  Accusative,  object  of  reprimendi,  which  is  the 
Genitive  with  causa.     Avoid  the  Accusative  with  Gerund 

after  ad.  [H.  626  &  5  :  628  (542,  I,  N.  2  &  III,  N.  2.)  M.  289,  3  :  291 : 
296:  297.  A.  298,  R.  &  c:  300.  G.  428,  R.  2 :  432  &  R.  B.  338,  I,  c)  &  3  : 
339,  i,  2&4.] 

122.  The   Gerundive   is   used   in    agreement   with   the 
object  of  many  verbs  to  denote  the  purpose  :  naves  refici- 
endas  curavit,  he  had  the  ships  repaired.      [H.  622  (544,  2,  N.  2). 
M.  295,  2.     A.  294,  d.     G.  430.     B.  337,  7,  2).] 

123.  The  Supine  in  -um,  with  an  object  if  necessary,  is 
used  to  express  purpose  only  with  verbs  of  motion:  ludos 
visum  ierunt,  they  went  to  see  the  games.      [H.  632,  i :  633  (546 
&  N.  4).     M.  301.     A.  302.     G.  435,  with  N.  i  &  2.     B.  340,  i,  with  a  &  b.~] 

Caution.  —  Never  express  purpose  in  Latin  by  the  Infini- 
tive, although  this  construction  is  very  commonly  used  in 
English.  [H.  608  (533,  II  &  N.  i).  M.  332.  A.  318.  G.  546,  N.  3,  end. 

B.  326,  N.] 


40  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 

LESSON   XXV 
Purpose  —  By  Clause.  —  [H.  564-568 .-  589 :  590  (497 :  498).    M. 

328:    330:   331:   333-336:   382  &  3-      A-  i 80,  e:   317:  331.      G.   544-55°: 
630.     B.  282  :   294-296.] 

124.  To  express  purpose  by  a  clause,  the  Subjunctive  is 
used  with  ut  if  affirmative,  with  ne  if  negative :  ut  Catilma 
in   exsilium    exiret,    Cicero   omnia  fecit,    Cicero  made    every 
effort  that  Catiline  sJwuld go  into  exile.     [H.  568  (497,  II).    M. 
328.    A.  317  &  i.     G.  545,  i&3.     B.  282,  i.] 

125.  The  relative  qui,  with  the  Subjunctive,  may  be  used 
when  the  antecedent  of  qui  is  not  that  person  whose  pur- 
pose is  expressed.     Quo  (originally  an  Ablative  of  degree) 
is  used  in  a  purpose  clause  which  contains  a  comparative : 
legates  mittit   qui  cum   Caesare  conloquantur,  he  sends  am- 
bassadors to  confer  with  Caesar  ;  quo  facilius  causam  bellandi 
reperirent,  Carthaginienses  in  Hispaniam  Hamilcarem  miserunt, 
the  Carthaginians  sent  Hamilcar  to  Spain  that  they  might 
more  easily  find  a  pretext  for  making  war.     [H.  568,  7:  589: 

590  (497,  I  &  II,  2).    M.  331 :  382  &  3.     A.  317,  2  &  b.     G.  545,  2 :  630.     B. 
282,  I,  a  £  2  with  a.'] 

126.  A  verb  whose  action  looks  toward  the  future  takes 
as  its  object  a  purpose  clause  used  substantively.     See  the 
grammar  for  lists  of  such  verbs. 

1.  lubeo,  order,  and  veto,  forbid,  take  the  Infinitive. 

2.  Verbs  of   wishing  take  either  the  Infinitive  or  the 
Subjunctive. 

3.  Verbs  of  hindering  in  the  affirmative  have  the  Sub- 
junctive with  quominus.     A  few  verbs,  as  prohibeo,  have 
the  Infinitive. 

Imperavit  ne  quis  ex  castris  discederet,  he  ordered  that  no 
one  should  leave  the  camp ;  iussit  eos  vlcum  incendere,  he 


INTRODUCTION  41 

ordered  them  to  burn  the  village  ;  te  venire  vult,  or  ut  venias 
vult,  he  wishes  you  to  come  ;  eum  id  facere  prohibet,  he  pre- 
vents him  from  doing  this.  [H.  564:  565,  with  2-5 :  566  (498, 1  & 
II).  M.  333-335-  A-  33*  &  <*-e.  G.  544,  II:  546,  i  &  2  :  549.  B.  294: 
295:  296,  i.] 

127.  Verbs  and  expressions  of  fearing  are  followed  by 
the  Subjunctive  with  ne  if  affirmative,  with  ut  (ne  non)  if 
negative  :  timebat  ut  vemretis,  lie  was  afraid  that  you  would 
not  come  ;  vereor  ne  quid  mail  accidat,  I  fear  that  some  mis- 
fortune may  happen.     [H.  567,  with  1-4  (498,  III,  with  N.  i  &  2). 
M.  336.     A.  33i,/&  N.     G.  550,  i  &  2,  with  N.  i.     B.  296,  2  &  a.~] 

128.  Purpose  is  regularly  expressed  by  a  tense  of  incom- 
plete action,  i.e.  the  Present  or  the  Imperfect. 

For  dum  in  purpose  clauses,  see  111. 


LESSON   XXVI 

ReSUlt. [H.  550:   569-571  :   591  :   594,  II  :   595  (495,  VI :   500-505) 

M.  316,  2:  337:  338:  341:  382  &  4:  383.  A.  163,  c\  287,  c:  319:  320: 
332.  G.  513:  543»4:  SS^SS6'  63J:  632.  B.  268,  6:  269,  3:  283:  284: 
295,  3,  a:  297  :  298.] 

129.  The  result  of  an  action  is  expressed  by  the  Sub- 
junctive with  ut  if   affirmative,  with  ut  non   if  negative : 
tarn  callidus  erat  Hannibal  ut  Romanes  saepe  eluderet,  Han- 
nibal was  so  cunning  that  he  often  outwitted  the  Romans. 
[H.   570   (500,  II).     M.  337:   338.     A.  319  &  R.  under  d.     G.  552,  i  &  2. 
B.  284,  i.] 

130.  Relative  result  clauses  are  in  general  those  which 
give  some  characteristic  of  an   otherwise  indefinite  ante- 
cedent (cf .    76—79) :    quae   anus    tarn   stulta   invemri    potest 
quae  naec  extimescat  ?   what  old  vvoman  can  be  found  so 


42  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

foolish  as  to  believe  these  things  ?     [H.  591,  1-7  (503, 1  &  II). 

M.  382,  with  4  &  5  :  383.      A.  319,  2  &  N. :   320.      G.  552,  R.  2:  631  &  1-3. 
B.  282,  3 :  283,  1-5  :  284,  2  &  a.~] 

131.  Quln  with  a  Subjunctive,  of   result  is    used    after 
negative  expressions   of   hindrance,  doubt,  etc. :    non  est 
dubium  quin  Cicero  maximus  orator  fuerit,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  Cicero  ^vas  a  very  great  orator.     [H.  594,  II:  595  &  i  (501, 

II,  2:  504:   505,  II).     M.  341,  3.     A.  319,  c  &  d.     G.  554-556.     B.  284,  3  : 
295»  3,  «  :  298.] 

132.  Many  verbs  (see  the  grammar  for  lists)  take  a  clause 
of  result  as  the  subject,  if  the  main  verb  is  impersonal; 
as  the  object,  if  the  clause  is  both  the  object  and  the  result 
of  the  action  of  the  main  verb :    accidit  ut  locus  imquus 
esset,  it  happened  that  the  position  zvas  unfavorable  ;  effecit 
ut  ea  elephantus  ornatus  Ire  posset,  he  made  it  possible  for 
an  elephant,  fully  equipped,  to  go  this  way.     [H.  571  (501). 
M.  341,  i  &  2.    A.  332.    G.  553.    B.  297.] 

133.  In  result  clauses,  if  the  action  is  completed,  the  Per- 
fect Subjunctive  is  generally  used  even  after  the  secondary 
tenses.     [H.  550  (495,  VI).    M.  316,  2.    A.  287,  c.    G.  513.    B.  268,  6.] 


LESSON   XXVII 

Conditions  —  Simple  Statement.  —  [H.  316, 3 :  572 :  573,  a.  I : 
574:  575  (311,  3:  507,  I  .&  N.  7:  508).  M.  360:  361:  363:  371:  372: 
374:  470,4.  A.  155,2,1:  305,  a  &  b,  I  :  306:  307,  i,  with  a,  c  &  d\  310: 
311.  6.589-591:  593:  594,1:  595.  B.  301:  302:  306.] 

134.  A  conditional  sentence  has  two  clauses,  the  condi- 
tional clause  or  protasis,  and  the  conclusion  or  apodosis. 

135.  Two   points  must  be  observed  from   the    English 
sentence  before  any  attempt  to  write  it  in  Latin  is  made : 


INTRODUCTION 


43 


(i)  the  Time  to  which  the  condition  refers  —  present,  past, 
or  future ;  (2)  the  Attitude  of  the  speaker  or  writer  to  the 
act  —  does  he  simply  state  the  condition  without  any  impli- 
cation of  its  truth,  or  does  he  imply  that  the  supposition 
is  only  possible  (not  probable)  or  is  even  untrue  ?  If  he  is 
here,  it  is  well:  time,  present;  thought  expressed,  simple 
(i.e.  simply  stated).  If  he  were  here,  it  would  be  well: 
time,  present ;  thought,  contrary  to  fact. 

136.  Whatever  the  time  referred  to  if  the  writer  simply 
states  the  condition  without  implying  its  truth  or  falsity, 
the  conditional  clause  has  the  Indicative,  the  conclusion 
also  the  Indicative,  unless  other  demands  of  the  sentence 
require  a  different  form  of  the  verb,  e.g.  the  Imperative. 


TIME 

THOUGHT 
EXPRESSED 

CONDITION 

CONCLUSION 

EXAMPLE 

Present 

Simple 

Si  with  Pres. 

Pres.  Ind. 

Si   pater  adest, 

Ind. 

bene     est,     if 

father  is  here, 

it  is  well 

Past 

Simple 

Si  with  Past 

Past  tense, 

Si  pater  aderat, 

tense,  Ind. 

Ind. 

bene    erat,   if 

father  was  here, 

it  was  well 

Future 

Simple 

Si  with  Fut. 

Some  Fut. 

Si  pater  aderit, 

(more  vivid, 

or 

form 

bene    erit,    if 

shall  or  will) 

Fut.  Perf. 

father  is  (shall 

Ind. 

be)  here,  it  will 

be  well 

137.  The  tense  of  the  verb  in  the  conditional  clause 
must  be  carefully  considered,  for  an  English  Present 
often  conceals  a  real  Future  or  even  a  Future  Perfect. 
In  Latin  the  exact  time-relation  must  appear ;  for  exam- 
ples, see  112. 


44  LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 


LESSON    XXVIII 
Conditions  —  Possible  and  Contrary  to  Fact. — [H.  573,  a. 

II  &  III:  576-584  (507,  II  &  III:  509-51*1:  513,  II).  M.  364-366:  368: 
369:  375.  A.  305,  b,2&c:  307,  2,  with  b,c&d:  308:  312.  G.  594,  II  & 
III :  596-602.  B.  303 :  304  :  307.] 

138.  The  forms   of  conditional   sentences  not   already 
explained  (134-137),  imply  either  that  the  supposition  is 
not  true  in  the  present,  or  was  not  true  in  the  past,  or  is 
merely  possible  (not  probable)  in  the  future.     The  same 
mood  is  used  in  both  clauses,  and  the  same  tense  also,  if 
both  refer  to  the  same  time. 

139.  A  condition  possible  in  future  time  (less  vivid,  with 
English   auxiliaries   should  or  would}  has   generally   the 
Present  Subjunctive  in  both  clauses.     When  the  action  of 
the  conditional  clause  is  to  be  completed  before  the  con- 
clusion would  begin,  the  Perfect  Subjunctive  is  used  in  the 
conditional  clause.     [H.  576  &  i:  577  (509  &  N.  i).    M.  364:  365. 

A.  307,  2,  with  b  &  c.     G.  596.     B.  303.] 

140.  In  a  condition  where  the  supposition  is  not  viewed 
as  true  (contrary  to  fact)  the  Imperfect  Subjunctive  refers 
to  present  time  and  the  Pluperfect  Subjunctive   to   past 
time.     Cf .  the  English,  if  he  were  here  ;  if  he  had  been  here. 
See  141,  Note.     [H.  579  &  i  (510:  511,  i,  N.  2&3).    M.  366:  368: 

369.     A.  308  &  c.     G.  597.     B.  304.] 

141.  Sometimes  the  condition  and  the  conclusion  may 
refer  to  different  times  ;    in  such  cases  the  verb  of  each 
clause  is  put  in  the  tense  required  by  its  time  relation : 
if  he  had  come  (in  past  time),  we  should  not  (in  present 
time)  be  here,  si  venisset,  non  hie  adessemus. 


INTRODUCTION 


45 


TIME 
Present 


Past 


Future 


THOUGHT 
EXPRESSED 

Contrary  to 
Fact 


Contrary  to 
Fact 


Possible 
(less  vivid, 


CONDITION     CONCLUSION 

Si  with 
Imperf,  Subj. 


Imperf. 
Subj. 


Si  with          Pluperf. 
Pluperf.  Subj.      Subj. 


ST  with 
Pres.  (Perf.) 


Present 
Subj. 


should  or  would)         Subj. 


Si 


EXAMPLE 
pater    adesset, 


bene  esset,  if  fa- 
ther were  here,  it 
would  be  well 

Si  pater  adfuisset, 
bene  fuisset,  if  fa- 
ther had  been  here, 
it  would  have  been 
well 

Si  pater  adsit,  bene 
sit,  if  father  should 
be  here,  it  would  be 
well 


NOTE.  —  Expressions  of  ability,  duty,  necessity,  and  pro- 
priety in  the  conclusion  regularly  have  the  Imperfect  or 
Perfect  Indicative.  [H.  583  (511,  i,  N.  3).  M.  368.  A.  311,  c.  G. 
597,  3-  B.  304,  3  &  *•] 


LESSON    XXIX 
Concession  and  Proviso.  —  [ii.  316,4:  559,  3=  585-587 :  593,  2: 

598:  599:  638,2(311,4:  513,  I:  514:  515:  549,  2).  M.  282:  376:  378: 
382,1.  A.  154,0,  3:  155,  2,£-:  156,*':  255,^,3:  266  &*:  292:  313:  314: 
320,*:  326.  0.264:  573:  587:  603-609:  634.  6.278:  283,3:  308-310.] 

142.  Concessive  clauses  take  the  Subjunctive  if  intro- 
duced by  quamvis  or  ne,  ut,  licet,  cum,  or  the  relative  qui : 
ne  clarus  sit,  plurimum  potest,  although  he  is  not  famoiis^ 
he  has  great  power.     [H.  586,  II:  593,  2:  598  (515,  III).    M.  378,  2 

&  6;  382,  I.  A.  313,  with  a,  b,  d&h.  G.  606-608:  634.  B.  278:  283,  3: 
308:  309  with  i,  3  &4.] 

143.  They  take  the  Indicative,  if  introduced  by  quam- 
quam,  which  is  used  only  for  an  admitted  fact :   quamquam 


46  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

pensum  difficile   est,  tamen  fieri  potest,  although   the  task  is 
certainly  hard,  yet  it  can  be  done.      [H.  586, 1  (515, 1).    M.  378, 

5  &  N.     A.  313,  e  &/.    0.605.     B.  309  &  2.] 

144.  If  introduced  by  etsi,  etiamsl,  or  tametsi,  they  take 
the    constructions   of    conditional    clauses   (see   134-141): 
etiamsi   Catilina   Roma   exeat,  complures  scelerati  remaneant, 
although  Catiline  should  go  from  Rome,  many  ^vicked  men 
would  remain.     [H.  585 :  586, 1  (515,  II).    M.  378,  3  &  4.    A.  313,  c. 

G.  604.     B.  309,  2  &  a.~\ 

145.  A  clause  of  Proviso  (provided that)  introduced  by 
dum,  modo,  or  dummodo  takes  the  Subjunctive,  negative 
ne  :  dum  valeas,  gaudeo,  if  only  you  are  well,  I  am  glad. 
[H.  587  (513,  I).     M.  376.     A.  314.     G.  573.     B.  310.] 


LESSON   XXX 
Indirect  Discourse  —  Declarative  Sentences.  —  [H.  548  :  613  : 

614:  641-645  (522:  523,  I:  524-526  &  footnote  2).  M.  260:  391:  392: 
396  :  398.  A.  335  :  336,  I  &  2  :  336,  a,  I  :  336,  A,  with  N.  :  336,  B.  G.  520  : 
522:  531  :  647-650:  653-655:  660.  B.  244,  i,  I  &  II:  268,  2:  270,  I  : 
313:  3H:  317: 


146.  Indirect  quotations  depend  upon  verbs  or  words  of 
saying,  thinking,  perceiving,  and  the  like,  generally  either 
as  object  if  the  verb  is  active,  or  as  subject  if  it  is  passive. 
[H.  613  :  614:  641  (522:  535,  I).     M.  391.    A.  335:  336,  i.    G.  527:  528: 
648.     B.  313:  314.] 

147.  The  principal  verb  in  declarative  sentences  takes 
the  Infinitive  with  a  subject  Accusative.     The  subject  is 
not  usually  omitted  in  the  Latin:  fortis  es,  you  are  brave  ; 
dixit  te  fortem  esse,  he  said  that  you  were  brave.      [H.  642 
(523,  I).     M.  392.     A.  336,  2  &  a,  i.     G.  650.     B.  314,  i  &  2.] 


INTRODUCTION  47 

148.  The  tense  of  the  Infinitive  corresponds  to  that  of 
the  direct  statement.    The  Present  Infinitive  represents  the 
Present ;  the  Future  represents  the  Future  and  the  Future 
Perfect ;  the  Perfect  represents  the  Imperfect,  Perfect,  and 
Pluperfect.     Thus  the  tense  of  the   Infinitive  in  indirect 
discourse  is  always  Present,  Future,  or  Past,  relatively  to 
the  tense  of  the  verb  of  saying. 

DIRECT  INDIRECT,  dixit 

venio,  I  am  coming  se  venire,  he  said  he  was  coming 

veniam,  I  will  come          se  veiiturum  esse,  he  said  he  would  come 
veni,  /  came  se  venisse,  he  said  he  had  come 

[H.  644  (525).     M.  260.  A.  336,  A.     G.  653.     B.  270,  i  &  a-c\  317.] 

149.  All  subordinate  verbs  remain  or  become  Subjunc- 
tive.   The  tense  of  the  Subjunctive  depends  on  that  of  the 
verb  of  saying,  in  accordance  with  the  rules  for  sequence 
of  tenses  (114) ;  but  after  a  Perfect  Infinitive,  even  when 
the  principal  verb  is  primary,  the  secondary  sequence  is 
regularly  found :  Caesar  dixit  se  eis  quos  fines  vellent  daturum 
esse,  Caesar  said  that  he  would  give  them  the  boundaries  they 

Wished.     [H.  548  :  643  :  644  &  2  (495,  IV :  524 :  525).    M.  316,  6  :  392  :  396 : 
398.     A.  336,  2  &  B,  with  N.  2.     0.518:  650:  654:  655.    B.  268,2:  314:  318.] 

150.  In  transferring  direct  discourse   into  indirect,  be 
very  careful  in  regard  to  the  person  of  pronouns.     If  the 
subject  of  the  Infinitive  refers  to  the  same  person  as  that 
of  the  verb  of  saying,  the  reflexive  se  is  used ;  other  pro- 
nouns offer  no  special  difficulty. 

Direct :  ego  vobis  agrum  dedl,  /  have  given  you  the  land. 
Indirect :  dicit  se  vobis  (or  iis)  agrum  dedisse,  he  says  he 
has  given  you  (them)  the  land. 

Directions  for  Accuracy.  —  Take  the  sentence  apart  by 
itself   and    study    its    meaning   carefully    in  the   English. 


48 


LATIN   PROSE  COMPOSITION 


Imagine  yourself  the  speaker  and  thoroughly  understand 
both  the  direct  and  the  indirect  forms  in  English.  Then 
write  in  Latin  what  is  or  was  really  said,  i.e.  the  direct 
quotation.  Finally,  transfer,  according  to  above  princi- 
ples, into  the  indirect :  He  said  that  he  would  do  this. 
What  did  he  really  say  ?  /  (or  possibly  he)  will  do  this 
—  referring  to  time  future  relative  to  the  time  of  saying. 
Direct:  ego  hoc  faciam  (or  is  faciet) ;  Indirect,  depending 
on  dixit :  se  (or  eum)  hoc  facturum  esse. 


LESSON    XXXI 
Indirect  Discourse  —  Conditional  Sentences.  —  [H.  646-648 

(527).     M.  402-404.     A.  337.     G.  656-659.     B.  319-322.] 

151.  In  transferring  a  conditional  sentence  from  direct 
discourse  into  indirect,  special  care  should  be  taken. 

The  conditional  clause,  as  subordinate,  always  has  the 
Subjunctive  mood.  In  a  contrary  to  fact  condition  the 
tense  (Imperfect  or  Pluperfect)  is  never  changed,  even 
after  a  primary  tense.  In  all  other  conditions,  however, 
the  rule  for  sequence  is  observed. 


DIRECT 

Present :    si  adest,  simple 

si  adesset,  cont.  to  fact 

Past :         si  aderat,  simple 

si  adfuisset,  cont.  to  fact 

Future  :     si  aderit,  probable 
si  adsit,  possible 
si  fecerit,  probable 
(Put.  Perf.) 


DEPENDING  ON 
dicit 

DEPENDING  ON 
dixit 

si  adsit 

si  adesset 

si  adesset 

si  adesset 

si  adsit 

si  adesset 

si  adfuisset 

si  adfuisset 

si  adsit 

si  adesset 

si  adsit 

si  adesset 

si  fecerit 

(Perf.  Subj.) 

si  fecisset 

INTRODUCTION  49 

152.    i.  The  conclusion  has  the  Infinitive,  unless  other 
demands  of  the  sentence  require  the  Subjunctive. 

2.  An  Indicative  retains  the  same  tense  in  the  Infinitive. 

3.  A  Present  Subjunctive  (future  possible)  becomes  the 
Future  Infinitive. 

4.  An  Imperfect  Subjunctive  (present  contrary  to  fact) 
becomes,  if  active,  the  Future  active  Participle  with  esse  ; 
if  passive,  futurum  esse  ut  with  the  Imperfect  Subjunctive. 

5.  A  Pluperfect  Subjunctive  (past  contrary  to  fact)  be- 
comes, if  active,  the  Future  active  Participle  with  fuisse  ; 
if  passive,  futurum  fuisse  ut  with  the  Imperfect  Subjunctive. 

•n--.  DEPENDING  ON  EITHER 

dicit  OR  dixit 

Present :  bene  est,  simple  bene  esse 

bene  esset,  cont.  to  fact  bene  futurum  esse 

Past :        bene  erat,  simple  bene  fuisse 

bene  fuisset,  cont.  to  fact  bene  futurum  fuisse 

Future  :    bene  erit,  probable  bene  futurum  esse 

bene  sit,  possible  bene  futurum  esse 

Present:  moiieretur,  cont.  to  fact  futurum  esse  ut  moneretur 

Past :        monitus  esset,  cont.  to  fact  futurum  fuisse  ut  moneretur 


LESSON    XXXII 
Indirect  Discourse — Questions  and  Commands.  —  [11.642 

&2-<;:  644:  649,11-651  (523,  II  &  III:  525:  529).  M.  388-390:  393-396. 
A.  334:  336,  B,  N.  i :  338:  339.  G.  460:  461 :  467:  651-655.  B.  269,  3: 
300:  315:  316:  318:  322,  £.] 

153.  A  question  in  direct  discourse  usually  has  the 
Subjunctive  mood.  If,  however,  the  question  is  merely 
one  of  form,  not  expecting  an  answer,  the  Infinitive  with 
subject  Accusative  is  used.  After  a  verb  of  asking,  the 

LAT.   PROSE   COMP.  —  4 


5O  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 

Subjunctive  is  regularly  used  :  Ariovistus  respondit  cur  in 
suas  possessiones  vemret,  Ariovistus  asked  in  reply  why  he 
(Caesar)  cam?  into  his  lands;  Caesar  respondit  num  recen- 
tium  iniuriarum  memoriam  se  deponere  posse,  Caesar  asked  in 
reply  if  it  was  possible  for  him  to  forget  the  recent  wrongs. 

[H.  642,  with  2  &  3:  649,  II,  with  2  &  3  :  650,  with  I  &  2  :  651(523,  II:  529, 
I).  M.  394:  395.  A.  334:  338,  with  N.  i  £  2  &  a.  G.  467:  651  &  R.  i. 
B.  300,  1-4,  a-.  315,  1-3.] 

154.  Imperative  forms,  whether  Subjunctive  or  Impera- 
tive in  the  direct  discourse,  have  the  Subjunctive  in  the 
indirect.      The  negative  is  always  ng  :  noli  id  facere,  do  not 
do  tJiis  ;  dixit  ne  id  faceres,  he  said  that  you  should  not  do 
this  ;  ne  id  faciat,  let  him  not  do  this  ;   dixeruntneidfaceret, 
they  said  that  he  should  not  do  this.     [H.  642,  with  4  &  5  (523,  III). 
M.  393.     A.  339,  with  R.  &  N.  2.     G.  652.     B.  316  &  a.~\ 

155.  The  verbs  in  these  constructions  follow  the   rule 
for  sequence  of  tenses  (113  &  114).     [H.  644,  with  i  &  2  (525). 

M.  396.     A.  336.     B,  N.  i :  339,  N.  i.     G.  654:  655.     B.  318.] 


LESSON    XXXIII 
Informal  Indirect  Discourse  and  Attraction. —  [H.  588,  II: 

649,  I:   652   (516,  II:   528:   529,  II  &  N.  i).      M.  357:  400:  405.      A.  340- 
342.     G.  662  :   663.     B.  286,  I  :   323  :   324.] 

156.  If  some  part  of  a  statement  rests  on  another's 
authority,  the  Subjunctive  is  used  on  the  principle  of 
indirect  discourse,  although  a  verb  of  saying  need  not  be 
expressed.  This  is  especially  common  in  relative  clauses 
and  causal  clauses  with  quod  (cf.  118) :  pecuniam  quae  sibi 
donata  esset  pendebat,  he  zvas  spending  money  ivJiich,  he 
said,  had  been  given  him.  [IT.  588,  II:  649,  I  (516,  II:  528,  i). 

M.  357  :  400.    A.  340:   341  &  a-d,  with  R.    G.  662  :   663,  2.     B.  286,  I  :   323.] 


INTRODUCTION  5 1 

157.  Sometimes  a  clause  depending  on  a    Subjunctive 
clause  and  expressing  an  essential  part  of  that  clause,  has 
its  verb  also    in    the   Subjunctive.      Sometimes    after   an 
Infinitive  the  Subjunctive  is  thus  used.     This  use  is  best 
explained  by  the  term  attraction  :  scit  quare  mihi  quae  pos- 
sint  donent,  he  knows  why  they  give  me  whatever  they  can. 

[H.  652  &  i  (529,  II'&  N.  i).     M.  405.     A.  342,  with  a  &  N.     G.  663,  I.     B. 

324,  I  &  2.] 

•+• 

LESSON   XXXIV 
Commands  and  Exhortations.  —  [H.  559-561  (483 :  484*  n  &  iv : 

487:  489).     M.  319-322.     A.  266:  269:    G.  263:  266-268:  270-272:  275. 
B.  274-276:  281.] 

158.  The  Imperative  is  used  in  positive  commands  and 
entreaties  of   the  second  person.      The    tense   is   usually 
Present,  as  the  Future  is  rare  except  in  decrees  and  formal 
commands  :    domi    manete,  remain  at  home.     [H.  560  &  2-4 
(487,  with  i  &  2).    M.  319:  320:  322.    A.  269  &^/.    G.  266-268.    B.  281  &i.] 

159.  The  Hortatory  Subjunctive  (negative  ne)  is  used 
for  the  first  and  third  persons,  which  are  missing  in  the 
Imperative.     The  tense  is  usually  Present :  hoc  faciamus, 
let  us  do  this  ;  ne  hoc  faciamus,  let  us  not  do  this.      [H.  559, 
with  i  &  2  (483:  484,  II  £  IV).      M.  321:  322.      A.  266  &  R.     G.   263. 
B.  274 :   275,  with  i  &  2.] 

160.  A  negative  command  or  prohibition  in  the  second 
person  may  be  expressed   (i)  by  noli    with    the    Present 
Infinitive ;  (2)  by  ne  with  the  Perfect  Subjunctive  (rare  in 
classical  prose);  or  (3)  by  cave  ne  with  the  Subjunctive. 
Do  not  use  the  Imperative  with  a  negative  to  express  pro- 
hibition :  nolite  hoc  facere  ;   ne  hoc  feceritis  ;   cavete  (ne)  hoc 
faciatis,  do  not  do  tJiis.      [H.  561,  i,  2,  N.  &  4  (489).    M.  321,  4:  322. 
A.  269,  with  a  £  b.     G.  270  :  271,  2  :  272,  2.     B.  276,  with  a  &  c\  281,  2.] 


52  LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 


LESSON    XXXV 

Wishes.  —  [H.  551,  II :  558  &  1-4  (483  :  484, 1).      M.  325.      A.  267. 
G.  256,  2:  260:   261.     B.  279:  280,  2,  a.~] 

161.  The  Subjunctive  (negative  ne)  is  used  to  express  a 
Wish.     The  Present  (or  rarely  the  Perfect)  is  used  when 
the  possibility  for  the  wish  to  be  fulfilled  has  not  passed ; 
the  Imperfect  or  Pluperfect  when  it  is   known  that  the 
wish  cannot  be  fulfilled.    The  Imperfect  refers  to  present 
time,  and  the  Pluperfect  to  past  (cf .  conditional  sentences). 

162.  The  particle  utinam  (utinam  ne)  may  be  used  with 
the  Present,  and  is  regularly  used  with  the  Imperfect  and 
Pluperfect.     Sometimes  velim  or  veliem  is  used  instead  of 
utinam  :  veniat  (or  velim  veniat),  may  he  come ;  utinam  ne 
vemret,  would  that  he  were  not  coming ;  utinam  (or  veliem) 
veiiisset,  O  that  he  had  come. 


LESSON   XXXVI 
Potential  and  Deliberative.  —  [H.  521:  551,1:  552-557'  559, 

4&5  (477>H:  485:  486).     M.  324:  327.     A.  268:  311.    G.  256,2:  257- 
259.     B.  277:  280.] 

163.  In  English  the  auxiliary  verbs  may,  might,  would, 
etc.,  are  often  used  to  express  an  opinion  in  more  mild 
or  polite  form.  Sometimes  this  seems  to  correspond  to 
the  conclusion  of  some  condition  understood.  In  Latin 
this  use  is  expressed  by  the  Potential  Subjunctive  (nega- 
tive non). 


INTRODUCTION  53 

164.  Referring  to   present  or  future  time,  the  tense  is 
Present  (rarely  Perfect) ;  referring  to  past  time  —  usually 
in  the  indefinite  second  person  —  the  tense  is  Imperfect: 
aliquis  dicat,  some  one  may  say ;   eum  stultum  crederes,  you 
would  have  thought  him  foolish.     [H.  552:  554,  i  &  3:  555:  556 

(477,   II :  485  :  486,  I  &  III).      M.  327.     A.  31 1,  a,  with  R.  &  b.     G.  257,  2  : 
258.     B.  280  &  1-4.] 

165.  The    Deliberative    Subjunctive   (negative   non)   is 
used  in  questions  asked  merely  for  effect,  or  to  express 
doubt  or  impossibility  of  fulfillment.     The  Present  refers 
to  present  or  to  future  time ;  the  Imperfect  to  past  time  : 
quid  dicam  ?  what  am  I  to  say  ?  quid  dicerem  ?    what  could 
I  say?    [H.  552:  557:  559,  4  &N.:  559,  5  &  N.  (486,  II).    M.  324.    A. 
268.     G.  259.     B.  277  &  a.] 


Caution.  —  The  intention  in  the  following  exercises  is  to 
give  the  spirit  of  the  author  in  everyday  English.  Con- 
sequently take  special  care  in  the  choice  of  Latin  words, 
and  study  how  to  make  good  Latin  sentences.  Note,  for 
example,  that  in  Latin  many  separate  English  sentences 
may  be  combined  into  one.  In  short,  aim  to  write  Latin, 
not  English  with  Latin  words. 


EXERCISES  —  CAESAR 


Words  connected  by  hyphens  are  to  be  translated  by  a  single  word,  e.g.  obtain- 
possess! on-of.  Words  in  round  brackets  are  to  be  omitted  in  translation. 
Square  brackets  indicate  the  Latin  rendering.  Figures  in  heavy  type  refer 
to  the  sections  of  the  Introduction.—  See  Caution,  p.  53. 


ARRANGEMENT  OF  THE  SENTENCE  (1-6) 
B.  G.  II,  1-6 

166.  When  Caesar  was  wintering  in  Gaul,  the  Belgians 
began  to  conspire  against  the  Roman  people.  They  feared 
Caesar  and  his  army,  because  he  had  already  entirely1 
subdued2  the  Helvetians  and  the  Germans.  Caesar  was 
quickly  informed  of  these  movements  [things]  by  Labie- 
nus,  the  lieutenant,  whom  he  had  left  in  Gaul.  Disturbed 
by  these  reports,  he  hastened  to  enroll  two  new  legions, 
and  at  the  beginning  of  summer  sent  them  to  Labienus. 
When  Caesar  himself  came  to  the  army,  he  learned  how 
great  forces  the  Belgians  were  3  collecting.  He  especially 
encouraged  the  Remi,  who  had  placed  themselves  under 
the  protection  of  the  Roman  people,  and  ordered  them  to 
keep  the  forces  of  the  enemy  apart.  He  himself  led  the 
army  across  the  river  Axona  and  there  left  a  garrison. 
The  Belgians  meanwhile 4  began  to  attack  Bibrax,  a  town 
of  the  Remi. 


2  pdco.  8  153.  4  interim. 

54 


B.  G.  II,  7-13  55 

SIMPLE   AGREEMENTS    (7-10) 
B.  G.  II,  7-13 

167.  On  the  arrival  of  archers  and  slingers  whom  Caesar 
had  sent  to  aid  [for  an  aid  l  to]  the  townspeople,  the  Bel- 
gians set  out  toward  Caesar  and  pitched  camp  less  than 
two  miles  off.     Caesar  had  fortified  a  place  suitable   for 
drawing  up  a  battle-line,  but  was   refraining  from  battle 
on  account  of  the  multitude  of  the  enemy.     Between  the 
two  armies  was  a  swamp  which  neither  dared  cross.     After 
delaying  a  few  days  in  their  camp,  the  Belgians  attempted 
to  obtain-possession-of  a  fortress  which  guarded  [was  for 
a  guard  to]  the  bridge.     Their  expectation  [hope]  failed 
them,  for  Caesar's  forces  attacked  them  in  the  river  and 
repulsed  them  [having  attacked,  repulsed  them].     At  this 
time  the  Bellovaci  were  informed  that  the  Aedui  were  lead- 
ing an  army  into  their  country.     On  learning  this   [this 
having  been  learned],  they  hastened  home.     Caesar  heard 
the  great  noise  and  confusion,  and  at  daybreak  [at  first 
light]  followed  with  all  his  forces.     He  attacked  the  rear 
with  his  cavalry  and  killed  a  great  number.     The  next 
day  he  led  the  army  against  the  Suessiones,  whose  chief 
men  were  given  as  hostages. 

PERIPHRASTIC  CONJUGATIONS.     TENSES   (11-15) 
B.  G.  II,  14-21 

168.  Afterwards  he  received  the  Bellovaci  and  the  Am- 
biani  under  his  protection  [into  his  faith].     While  they 
were  giving  hostages,  he  inquired  what  the  character  [na- 
ture] of  the  Nervii  was.     These  were  men  of  great  valor 

1  120. 


56  CAESAR 

and  had  not  accepted  any  conditions  of  surrender.  Against 
them  Caesar  now  hastened.  His  march  was  hindered  at 
the  Sabis  river  by  frequent  hedges.  At  this  place  the 
Nervii  intended  to  attack  his  army,  thinking :  "  We  shall 
defeat  the  Romans  (while)  encumbered  with  their  bag- 
gage." Caesar,  however,  had  now  for  a  long  time  been 
placing  his  baggage -train  in  the  rear  of  [after]  six  legions 
(which  were)  unencumbered.  On  their  arrival  they  were 
fortifying  the  camp,  but  suddenly  all  the  Nervii  rushed 
from  the  forest  and  made  an  attack  upon  them.  They 
had  to  leave  their  work  and  draw  up  a  line  of  battle. 
They  with  difficulty l  withstood  the  attack  of  the  enemy ; 
for  they  were  off-their-guard 2  and  could  not  seek  their 
own  standards,  but  each  man  was  fighting  where  he 
chanced  to  stand  [stood  by  chance]. 

USES   OF  THE   INFINITIVE   (16-20) 
B.  G.  II,  22-29 

169.  Nevertheless,  the  Romans  were  not  put  to  flight, 
but  bravely  tried  to  repel  the  attack  of  the  Nervii.  That 
part  of  Caesar's  forces  which  defended  the  camp  [what 
part  was  for  a  defense3  to  the  camp]  on  the  left  and  on 
the  front  had  routed  the  Atrebates  and  crossed  the  river 
in  pursuit  [pursuing].  And  so  the  camp  was  stripped  of 
defenders,4  and  hither  the  Nervii  hastened.  In  a  short 
time  they  had  gained  possession  of  it,  and  began  to  sur- 
round the  seventh  and  the  twelfth  legions  on  the  right. 
Meanwhile  the  cavalry  of  the  Treveri  fled  home,  for  they 
thought  that  the  Nervii  had  overwhelmed  the  Romans  and 
that  Caesar  and  his  army  were  in  flight.  During  this 

1  Cf.  text,  II,  6.          2  impriidens.          3  defensio.  4  Cf.  text,  II,  12. 


B.  G.  II,  30-35  57 

time  Caesar  was  hastening  from  the  tenth  legion  to  the 
others;  encouraging  all,  he  advanced  among  the  centu- 
rions, ordered  the  crowded  battle-line  to  be  opened, 
inspired  hope  in  the  soldiers,  and  checked  the  enemy's 
advance  a  little.  Now  Labienus,  who  had  conquered  a 
part  of  the  Nervii,  sent  troops  to  Caesar's  aid.  By  this 
[which]  help  men  of  so-great  valor  were  overcome  and 
were  reduced  from  a  great  nation  almost  to  annihilation. 
(With)  the  Nervii  conquered,  all  the  Belgians  had  come 
into  the  power  of  the  Roman  people.  But  the  Aduatuci 
who  were  marching  to  the  aid  of  the  Nervii,  on  learning 
of  this  flight,  turned  back  to  a,fortified  town. 

ABLATIVE  ABSOLUTE   (21-24)  1 
B.  G.  II,  30-35 

170.  From  their  town  the  Aduatuci  made  frequent 
attacks  on  Caesar's  forces.  Caesar,  having  brought  up 
the  sheds  and  constructed  a  tower,  began  to  assault 
[attack]  the  enemy's  walls.  Alarmed  at  these  strange 
[new]  engines-of-war  and  at  the  quickness  of  their  ap- 
proach, they  sent  ambassadors  to  Caesar  and  begged  for 
peace.  They  said  that  they  did  not  wish2  to  surrender 
their  arms,  for  they  feared  their  neighbors.  But  when 
commanded  by  Caesar,  they  threw  great  heaps  of  arms 
into  the  ditch,  and  having  opened  their  gates  enjoyed 
[used]  peace  till3  evening.  At  night,  when  the  soldiers 
were  withdrawn,  the  gates  were  closed.  Having  concealed 
a  part  of  their  arms,  they  suddenly  sallied  forth  and  at- 
tacked the  army  which  was  before  the  town ;  but  driven 
back  by  Caesar's  forces,  they  were  compelled  to  surrender. 

1  Use  the  Ablative  Absolute  where  it  is  possible.         2  nolo.         3  ad. 


58  CAESAR 

The  survivors 1  Caesar  sold  (as  slaves).  Publius  Crassus, 
his  lieutenant,  having  brought  many  of  the  maritime  states 
under  the  sway  [power]  of  the  Roman  people,  (so)  in- 
formed Caesar.  After  subduing  so  many  states,  since 
(only)  a  small  part  of  the  summer  was  left,  Caesar  led 
his  legions  into  winter  quarters,  and  a  thanksgiving  was 
decreed  at  Rome.2 

QUESTIONS  AND   ANSWERS   (25-31) 
B.  G.  Ill,  1-3 

171.  sDid  Caesar  lead  his  army  with  him  into  Italy? 
^No|  he  sent  the  twelfth  legion,  under  the  leadership  of 
Galba,3  to  the  Alps.  -Why  4  did  he  place  this  legion  there  ? 
Because  the  road  was  dangerous5  for  traders,  and  the 
duties  were  excessive  [great],  and  because  he  wished 
Galba  to  subdue  the  Gauls  who  held  the  fortresses.  -How 
many  battles  did  he  fight  [make]  ?  Several.  *Galba  con- 
quered this  people,  did  he  6  not  ?  Yes,  and  began  to  fortify 
Octodurus,  as  winter  quarters.  ^This  village  was  not^  sit- 
uated on  a  mountain,  was  6  it  ?  No,  it  was  in  a  valley,  and 
was  divided  by  a  river  into  two  parts,  one  of  which  he  gave 
to  the  Gauls.  Did  Caesar  wish  to  open  the  roads  or  to 
hold  this  place  as  a  perpetual  possession  ?  He  wished  to 
join  it  to  the  province.  ~Did  they  try  to  renew  the  war,  or 
not?  They  left  the  village  and  took  the  heights.  How 
quickly  was  Galba  informed  of  this  ?  What  did  he  do  ? 
He  called  a  council-of-war,  and  all  gave  [spoke]  their 
opinions.  What  plan  [what  of  plan]  did  he  adopt  [take]  ? 
He  decided  to  defend  the  camp. 

1  Cf.  text,  II,  28.         2  97.         3  Ablative  Absolute.         4  cur.        5  perlculosus. 
6  Express  by  the  form  of  the  question. 


B.   G.   Ill,   4-6  59 

OBJECT  CASES  — i.  ACCUSATIVE   (32-39) 
B.  G.    Ill,  4-6 

172.  In  a  short  time,  the  enemy  rushed  down  from  the 
higher  places  and  made  an  attack  upon  the  Romans,  hurl- 
ing stones  and  javelins.       Galba's  forces  fought  continu- 
ously for  six  hours  and,  (though)  hard-pressed,  withstood 
the  first  assaults.     But  finally1  weapons  failed  them,  and 
because  of  their  small-number  not  even  the  wounded  could 
depart ;  but  the  enemy,  (when)  exhausted  by  wounds  or  by 
fighting  [battle],  kept  withdrawing,  and  fresh  forces  suc- 
ceeded (them).     Then  Baculus-,  who -had  the  most  influence 
of  the  centurions,  asked  Galba  his  plan.      They  decided 
[it  pleased  them]  to  make  a  sally  and  to  rout  the  enemy. 
And  so,  after2  resting  awhile  and  picking  up  the  spent 
missiles,  the  soldiers  suddenly  sallied  forth  and  drove  the 
Gauls    in    flight.      For,  thinking   the  Romans   were    con- 
quered, the    Gauls   had  come  to  the  camp.      When   this 
battle3  had  been  fought  [made],  Galba  burned  the  villages 
and  led  his  legion  across  the  mountains  to  (the  country  of) 
the  Allobroges.     He  had  not  done  all  that  Caesar  wished. 

OBJECT  CASES  — 2.   GENITIVE   (40-45) 
B.   G.    Ill,   7-1 1 

173.  Caesar  had  to  conquer  the  peoples  of  Gaul  one  by 
one.4     Many  of  these  gave  him  as  hostages  the  sons  of 

•  their  chiefs.  SSometimes 5  the  Gauls  regretted  this  and 
wished  to  get  them  back.  On  account  of  the  scarcity  of 
grain,  Caesar  had  sent  his  legions  into  winter  quarters 

1  denique.  2  postquam  with  Perfect  Indicative.  3  Cf.  21-24. 

4  singulT.  5  nonnumquam  ;  aliquando. 


60  CAESAR 

among  many  states.  In  (the  country  of)  the  Andes  he 
had  placed  a  part  of  his  army  under  the  leadership  of 
Crassus.  This  man  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Veneti  for 
grain.  The  Veneti  detained  them,  for  they  thought  that 
by  means  of  his  ambassadors '  they  could  recover  their 
children,1  whom  they  had  not  forgotten.  Their  neighbors 
were  induced  to  give  them  aid,  and  allies  were  summoned 
from  Britain.  Crassus,  however,  quickly  informed  Caesar 
of  this  and  accused  the  Gauls  of  conspiracy.  As  soon  as 
Caesar  had  built  ships  and  prepared  forces,  he  began  to 
wage  war  with  the  Veneti.  He  sent  one  of  his  lieutenants 
toward  the  Rhine,  and  Crassus  and  Sabinus  into  neighbor- 
ing states.  Do  you  remember  the  name  of  the  young  man 
whom  he  placed-in-command-of  the  fleet  ? 

OBJECT  CASES  — 3.   DATIVE    (46-51) 
B.  G.  Ill,  12-16 

174.  Caesar  had  determined  to  make  war  upon  the 
Veneti,  for  they  had  not  obeyed2  him,  but  had  even  detained 
his  lieutenants.  It  was  not  easy  to  get  possession  of  their 
towns  from  the  land  because  of  the  tide,  and  they  had  a 
large  fleet  of  ships  as  a  defense.  Caesar  also  had  built  a 
fleet  which  Brutus  commanded,  but  it  could  not  be  brought 
up  during  a  great  part  of  the  summer.  In  the  meantime 
Caesar  had  taken  many  towns,  but  no  men,  for  the  Veneti 
by  means  of  their  ships  kept  withdrawing  to  other  towns. 
Their  ships  were  better  suited  to  the  great  tides  of  this 
sea.  Neither  could  our  beaks  harm  the  Gallic  ships  nor 
could  our  men  easily  hurl  weapons  upon  them.  On  the 
arrival  of  our  fleet  the  Veneti  hastened  to  make  an  attack 

1  liber  i.  2  pared. 


B.  G.  Ill,  17-19  6 1 

upon  it.  They  relied1  upon  their  sails  and  knowledge2  of 
the  shoals.  The  Romans  fought  near  Caesar's  camp,  and 
this  increased3  their  courage.  They  used  sharp  hooks 
attached  to  long  poles.  With  these  they  broke  away  the 
sail-yards  of  the  enemy's  ships,  and  the  barbarians  tried  to 
seek  (a  place  of)  safety.  But  there  was  a  calm,  and  they 
could  not  escape.  After  the  defeat  of  the  fleet,  the  Veneti 
surrendered  to  Caesar,  who  sold  them  as  slaves. 

OBJECT  CASES  — 4.    ABLATIVE   ^2-57) 
B.  G.  Ill,  17-19 

175.  While  Caesar  was  fighting  in  Venetia,  Q.  Titurius 
Sabinus  with  a  part  of  the  army  was  in  the  country  of  the 
Venelli.  This  people  had  revolted  and  had  put  Viridovix 
in  command  of  their  forces.  Viridovix  daily  led  forth  his 
troops,  but  Titurius  did  not  wish  to  fight  in  the  absence  of 
his  commander,  unless  all  things  were  most  favorable,  and 
remained  in  camp.  Because  of  his  hesitation  the  scorn  of 
the  barbarians  4  was  great,  and  they  dared  almost  to  attack 
the  camp.  Titurius  needed  the  assistance  of  a  Gaul,  and 
made  use  of  one  of  the  barbarians  who  was  in  his  army. 
He,  for  a  reward,  stated  to  Viridovix  that  Caesar  was  being 
conquered  in  Venetia  and  that  Sabinus  intended  to  set  out 
the  next  night  to  his  aid.  The  Gauls  believed  the  deserter 
and  thought  that  by  quickness  they  could  overwhelm  the 
Romans.  They  rushed  to  the  camp,  from  which  the 
Romans  unexpectedly  sallied  and  made  an  attack  upon 
them.  They  surpassed  the  Venelli  in  position,  valor,  and 
training,  and  easily  conquered  them.  The  other  states 

1  confldo.  2  scientia.  3  augeo. 

4  The  Subjective  Genitive  in  Caesar  and  Cicero  usually  precedes  its  noun. 


62  CAESAR 

then  surrendered  to  Sabinus.  Caesar  was  glad  to  hear 
[heard  gladly]  of  this  victory  and  at  the  same  time  informed 
Sabinus  that  the  Veneti  also  were  defeated. 


PASSIVES    (58-62) 
B.  G.  Ill,  20-22 

176.  Do  you  not  remember  the  name  of  the  other  lieu- 
tenant, who  had  been  sent  into  one  of  the  neighboring 
states  during  the  war  with  the  Veneti  ?  He  was  ordered 
to  go  into  Aquitania,  a  region  in  which  many  years  before 
a  Roman  army  had  been  repulsed  and  its  commander 
slain.  Crassus,  the  lieutenant,  had  to  provide  an  army. 
And  so  the  bravest  men  were  summoned  from  the  province 
and  were  led  into  the  country  of  the  Sontiates.  This 
people  relied  on  their  valor  and  an  ambush.  Their  cavalry 
was  easily  defeated,  and  our  men  pursued  into  a  defile  in 
which  infantry  had  been  stationed.  The  enemy  suddenly 
attacked  them  with  all  their  forces,  and  a  long  and  fierce 
[keen]  battle  was  fought  there.  The  Romans  are  said 
to  have  fought  bravely  (though)  without  their  commander- 
in-chief,  and  the  enemy  were  driven  back.  The  town 
was  at  length  captured,  but  all  were  spared.1  Adiatun- 
nus  had  been  made  commander  of  the  Soldurii,  who 
were  not  asked  their  opinion,  but  were  ordered  to  make 
a  sally.  When  this  was  discovered  by  the  Romans,  they 
rushed  to  arms  and  drove  the  Soldurii  back  to  the  town. 
However,  those  who  had  attempted  to  break  out  were  not 
harmed  by  the  Romans,  but  the  same  terms  of  surrender 
were  granted  them  by  Crassus. 

1  par co. 


B.  G.  Ill,  23-26  .63 

POSSESSION   (63-67) 
B.  G.  Ill,  23-26 

177.  After  the  Sontiates  had  been  thus  defeated  by 
Crassus,  war  was  made  upon  the  rest  of  Aquitania.  These 
states  had  1  towns  (which  were)  fortified  in  Roman  fashion, 
and  had  chosen  (as)  leaders  those  who  had  learned  2  from 
Sertorius  the  art  of  war.  Sertorius  had  been  a  general  in 
the  army  of  Marius,  but  was  for  many  years  in  Spain.  He 
was  considered  a  very  brave  man  and  a  superior  leader. 
Aquitania  was  a  neighboring  (country)  of  Spain,  and  thence 
the  Gauls  had  many  auxiliaries.  Because  of  this  they 
increased  greatly  in  number  and  attempted  to  shut  off  our 
men  from  supplies.  The  barbarians  had  provisions  enough 
for  this  war  and  had  determined  to  delay  and  fight  in  safety. 
And  so  they  remained  in  their  camp  whenever  Crassus 
gave  them  an  opportunity  for  battle.  The  Roman  soldiers 
thought  them  timid  and  were  eager  to  rush  against  their 
camp.  Crassus  was  obliged  [had]  to  fight,  and  on  the 
next  day  attacked  the  enemy.  He  kept  exhorting  his 
(men),  but  he  had  very  many  auxiliaries  who  were  not 
much  trusted  by  him,  and  the  enemy  fought  bravely.  For 
this  reason  [cause]  he  could  gain  no  entrance  to  their 
camp.  This,  however,  was  not  carefully  guarded  at  the 
rear-gate,  and  the  Romans'  cavalry  informed  their  leader 
of  this.  What  was  done  ?  Crassus  quickly  sent  a  part  of 
his  forces  by  a  round-about  [longer]  way,  and  they  came 
to  the  fortifications  while  the  rest  were  intent  on  the  battle. 
Thus  the  enemy  (were)  surrounded  (and)  rushed  from  the 
camp  in  flight,  but  nearly  all  were  killed  by  the  cavalry. 

1  Translate  in  two  ways.  2  disco. 


64  CAESAR 

DESCRIPTION  — BY   PHRASE    (68-75) 
B.  G.  Ill,  27-29 

178.  Because  of  the  victory  of  Crassus  this  part  of  Gaul 
surrendered.     Caesar,  the  same  year,  attempted  to  pacify 
the  Morini  and  the  Menapii.     But  they  fought  in  a  differ- 
ent way  from  the  others,  trusting  in  their  forests,  and  be- 
cause of  heavy  rains  the  Romans  could  not  finish  their 
work,  and  so  were  led  into  winter  quarters.     Caesar  has 
written  about  all  these  wars  in  Gaul.     He  had  been  a  man 
of  great  influence l  in  his  city  among  the  plebs,  and  then 
in  Gaul  was  winning2  great  glory.     He  was  a  general  of 
great  valor,  and  in  swiftness  of  movement  surpassed  all 
others.     The  Gauls  were  free  and  very  brave,  but  in  nearly 
all  the  states  there  were  two  factions,3  the  one  of  which 
was  the  plebs,  the  other  the  nobility  [nobles].     This  was 
a  great  advantage    [use]  to   Caesar,  who  united   [joined 
himself]  with   one   and  was  thus  able  easily  to   conquer 
the  other.     He  also  supported4  himself  and  his  army  on 
plunder5  from   [of]  the  Gauls.     Leaders  of  the  greatest 
skill  fought  with  him,  but  he  conquered  them  all.     The 
Gauls  often  revolted  [made  rebellion],  yet  Caesar  defeated 
them  and  made  them  allies  of  the  Roman  people.     Finally 
Gaul,  which  had  been  a  free  land  for  [through]  so  many 
years,  came  into  the  hands  [power]  of  Rome. 

DESCRIPTION  — BY   CLAUSE    (76-79) 
B.  G.  IV,  1-3 

179.  While    Caesar  was  subduing  Gaul,   the   Germans 
kept  crossing  the  Rhine,  which  is   a  river  between  Ger- 

1  Cf.  text,  III,  8.         2  adipiscor.         8  factio.         4  aid.         6  praeda. 


B.  G.  IV,  1-3  65 

many  and  Gaul.  This  people  was  (composed)  of  many 
tribes  of  which  the  Suevi  were  by  far  the  most  warlike. 
The  customs  of  this  tribe  were  strange  [new]  to  the 
Romans.  They  had  no  private  fields,  but  used  all  in- 
common,1  and  never2  remained  for  two  years  on  the  same 
(piece  of)  land.  They  had  two  divisions  [parts]  of  their 
(men).  Of  these  [which]  one  went  forth  from  the  bounds 
of  their  fatherland  and  waged  war  in  behalf  of  the  state, 
the  other  remained  at  home.  The  next  year  the  former 
supported  the  latter,  who  were  in  turn  led  out  under  arms. 
A  nation  thus  trained  always  has  an  army  of  great 
strength.  The  Suevi,  because  of  their  hunting,  exercise, 
and  freedom  of  life,  were  men  of  great  stature  and  very 
strong.  They  never  used  wine,  and  nothing  was  imported 
from  Gaul  by  the  traders  to  whom  they  sold  their  booty. 
Whatever  horses  they  had  were  (capable)  of  great  endur- 
ance. By  this  people  the  Tencteri  had  been  driven  out 
and  had  crossed  to  Gaul  when  Pompey  and  Crassus  were 
consuls.  The  Ubii,  a  large  and  prosperous  tribe,  were 
the  only  ones  who  could  withstand  the  Suevi,  but  even 
they  were  made  tributaries.  On  the  other  side  the  fields 
lay  waste  for  many  miles. 

MEANS   AND   AGENCY    (80-84) 
B.  G.  IV,  4-7 

180.  Two  other  nations  had  been  overcome  by  the 
Suevi,  and  had  come  to  the  territory  of  the  Menapii. 
They  tried  to  cross  the  Rhine,  but  were  prevented  by 
garrisons  stationed-here-and-there.  Finally,  however,  they 
crushed  the  Menapii  by  stratagem,3  and  during  this  winter 


L  communis.  2  numquam.  8  msidiae. 

LAT.  PROSE   COMP.  —  5 


66  CAESAR 

dwelt  in  their  buildings  on  both  banks  of  the  river.  This 
victory  was  full  of  danger  [dangerous]  to  the  Romans,  for 
the  Germans  were  men  of  great  courage,  and  Gaul  was 
generally  anxious  for  a  revolution.  Therefore  Caesar  was 
at  once  informed  of  this  through  messengers  from  his  lieu- 
tenants. He  remembered  the  inconstancy  of  the  Gauls, 
and  thought :  "  I  must  drive  the  Germans  out  of  Gaul, 
and  I  must  not  trust  the  Gauls."  By  forced  [very  great] 
marches  he  hastened  to  the  Rhine.  (On)  learning  of  his 
arrival,  the  Germans,  by  means  of  ambassadors,  asked1 
Caesar  for  a  home  and  for  peace.  They  said  to  Caesar : 
"  We  were  driven  from  our  country  by  the  Suevi,  who  are 
superior  even  to  the  gods  in  strength  and  are  the  only 
ones  who  can  conquer  us.  We  will  be  your  friends  if  you 
will  grant  these  (things)  to  us.  You  will  not  repent  this, 
for  each  of  us  will  serve  your  people.  But  we  shall  (be) 
unwilling  (to)  return  to  our  homes,  for  the  Suevi  are  our 
enemies,  and  we  shall  be  crushed  by  them." 

MANNER  AND  ACCOMPANIMENT   (85-87) 
B.  G.  IV,  8-12 

181.  Caesar  did  not  avail  himself  of  [use]  the  friendship 
offered  by  the  Germans,  but  ordered  them  to  cross  the 
Rhine  with  all  their  (possessions).  He  told  them  that 
they  might  live  with  the  Ubii.  Nothing  more  could  be 
granted  by  Caesar,  for  they  could  not  be  trusted.  Their 
ambassadors  returned  to  their  camp.  Caesar  was  ad- 
vancing quickly,  but  with  very  great  care,  and  the  cavalry 
was  sent  ahead.  The  horsemen  of  the  enemy  were  absent 
at  this  time,  in  the  country  of  the  Ambivariti,  foraging  and 


B.  G.  IV,  13-16  67 

pillaging.  Therefore  the  Romans'  march  could  not  be 
prevented,  and  the  Germans  again  sought  from  Caesar  a 
day  for  a  truce.  This  (request)  Caesar  granted,  and  he 
did  not  advance  more  than  four  miles  that  day.  But  soon 
after  [after  by  a  little]  the  Germans  caught  sight  of 
Caesar's  cavalry  and,  thinking  he  was  attacking  with  all 
his  forces,  the  enemy's  horsemen,  800  in  number,  quickly 
made  a  charge l  upon  the  Romans,  and  they  [who]  were 
thrown  into  confusion  even  by  this  small  force.  Though 
the  Romans  resisted  very  bravely  as-long-as  they  could, 
they  were  finally  driven  into  flight;  many  horses  were 
stabbed,  and  many  brave  men  were  killed.  Piso,  one  of 
the  slain,  was  the  son  of  a  very  distinguished  Aquitanian. 

COMPARISON   (88-94) 
B.  G.  IV,  13-16 

182.  The  Germans  repented2  of  their  madness  and  the 
next  day  sent  ambassadors  to  Caesar.  He  seems  [is  seen] 
to  have  thought  thus  :  "  I  must  drive  these  men  across  the 
river  Rhine,  for  they  are  gaining  more  [of]  influence  in 
Gaul  than  is  safe  for  us  to  allow.  I  must  do  everything 
rather  than  be  defeated  by  these  Germans.  I  will  seize 
the  chiefs  who  have  dared  to  put  themselves  into  my 
power  [offer  themselves  to  me],  and  then  I  will  attack  the 
town  and  put  to  death  as  many  as  possible.  This  will  free 
Gaul  from  fear  of  the  Germans  and  will  make  the  name 
of  the  Roman  people  secure  for  all  time  to  come  [remain- 
ing]." After  he  had  done  these  things,  he  hastened  more 
quickly  than  one  would  think  possible  [than  thought3]  to 
the  enemy's  camp.  This  was  defended  more  bravely  than 

1  signa  infer o.  2  paenitet.  3  opinio. 


68  CAESAR 

successfully,  and  some  threw  themselves  into  the  Rhine 
and  there  perished.  But  much  the  larger  part  were  slain 
by  the  Roman  cavalry.  Caesar  says  that  the  Germans 
tried  to  deceive  him,  but  he  is  himself  accused  l  of  faith- 
lessness, even  by  those  who  think  him  better  in  war  than 
any  other  Roman.  Must  we  not  always  keep  in  mind 
[memory]  that  Caesar  is  writing  of  [concerning]  his  own 
deeds  ?  Yes.  Caesar  had  now  conquered  all  the  Ger- 
mans who  had  made  war  upon  Gaul,  but  thought  that  he 
ought  to  cross  the  river. 

RELATIONS  OF  PLACE   (95-99) 
B.  G.  IV,  17-21 

183.  Caesar  did  not  wish  to  cross  the  Rhine  in  the  boats 
which  the  Ubii  had  promised  him,  and  so  with  great  quick- 
ness he  built  a  bridge  of  remarkable  2  strength.  By  means 
of  this  he  led  his  army  across  into  Germany.  He  did  not 
fight  a  battle,  for  the  Suevi  had  withdrawn  from  their 
territory  to  the  forests.  They  had  assembled  in  [into] 
one  place  and  there  were  awaiting  the  Romans.  Caesar, 
however,  determined  not  to  fight  recklessly,  and  soon 3 
returned  to  Gaul  and  cut  down  the  bridge.  Thence  he 
hastened  to  set  out  for  Britain,  from  which  country  auxili- 
aries had  been  furnished  his  enemies.  It  was  going  to  be 
a  great  advantage  to  Caesar  to  find  out  about  the  people 
and  places  of  Britain,  for  nothing  about  them  was  known 
at  Rome,  and  he  afterwards  waged  many  wars  with  them. 
He  could  not  find  out  anything  from  the  merchants  (whom 
he)  summoned,  and  so  he  sent  Volusenus  with  a  ship  of 
war  to  the  island.  Meanwhile  he  himself  set  out  towards 


B.  G.  IV,  22-26  69 

the  Morini,  who  immediately  gave  him  hostages.  Then 
from  all  sides  he  began  to  gather1  ships,  many  of  which  he 
had  used  in  Venetia.  Some  of  the  Britons  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  Caesar,  who  intrusted  to  them  one  of  his  men  of 
influence  and  sent  them  home  again. 

RELATIONS   OF  TIME  — BY   PHRASE  (100-103) 
B.  G.  IV,  22-26 

184.  Volusenus,  whom  Caesar  had  sent  forward  five 
days  before,  had  returned,  and  all  was  now  ready.  For 
several  days  Caesar  awaited  a  favorable  wind.  Having  ob- 
tained good  weather,  he  set  sail  about  midnight2  for  Britain. 
Throughout  this  night  the  wind  and  tide  continued  [were] 
favorable,  and  on  the  next  day  the  Romans  saw  the  Brit- 
ons drawn  up  on  the  hills  and  shore.  The  Romans  re- 
mained here  at  anchor  till  late  in  the  day  [much  day] 
and  then  proceeded  to  an  open  shore  seven  miles  away. 
At  the  same  time  the  enemy  sent  their  cavalry  thither, 
and  shortly  [a  little]  after  followed  with  all  their  troops. 
They  bravely  attacked  the  Romans,  who  were  attempting 
to  disembark;  and  a  very  fierce  battle  was  fought.  The 
Romans  had  to  do  everything  at  the  same  time,  but  Caesar 
sent  the  war  ships  to  their  aid,  and  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  tenth  legion  led  them  against  the  enemy.  This  man 
the  soldiers  followed,  —  some  from  one  ship  and  others 
from  another.  Encouraging  one  another  [among  them- 
selves], they  approached  the  shore,  and  within  a  short 
time  'put  their  enemies  to  flight.  Caesar's  cavalry  had 
not  been  able  to  reach  the  island,  and  so  he  could  not 
pursue  the  enemy  very  far  [long]. 

1  cogo.  2  tertid  fere  vigil  id. 


70  CAESAR 

RELATIONS   OF  TIME  — DATES   (104-106) 

B.  G.  IV,  27-33 
[Hereafter  date  each  exercise  according  to  the  Roman  method] 

185.  Caesar  had  sailed  from  Gaul  at  midnight  on  the 
26th  of  August.      Disembarking  on  the  2/th,  he  fought 
the  battle  of  which  we  have  written  above,1  and  the  enemy 
withdrew  from  the  coast.     On  the  next  day,  through  am- 
bassadors, they  begged  Caesar  for  peace  and  were  par- 
doned by  him.      On  the   3Oth  they  sent   a   part  of   the 
hostages  which  Caesar  had  demanded,  and  on  the  ist  of 
September  all  the  Britons  had  returned  to  their  homes, 
and  the  island  seemed  to  be  subdued.     But  on  the  loth 
there  occurred  a  tempest  which   shattered  many  of  the 
Romans'   ships    and   drove   others  over  the  deep   to  the 
continent.     On  learning  this  the  chiefs  began  immediately 
to  gather  troops,  and  a  few  days  later  [after]  attacked  a 
legion  which  was  foraging.     Caesar  knew  they  had  some 
new  plan  in  mind,  for  hostages  were  no  longer2  sent  to 
him,  and  so  he  had  prepared  for  an  attack.     At  the  same 
time  he  had  been  repairing  his  fleet,  using  what  was  of  use 
from  [of]  the  wrecked  ships.     And  also  he  was  providing 
grain  for  his  soldiers  in  case  [if]  he  should  have  to  remain 
in  Britain  during  the  winter.     They  now  surrounded  this 
legion  with  their  chariots,  which  were  of  great  service  to 
them  in  battle,  for  they  threw  the  Romans  into  confusion. 

RELATIONS   OF  TIME  — BY   CLAUSE  (107-111) 
B.  G.  IV,  34-38 

186.  As  soon  as  [when  first]  Caesar  was  informed  of 
this  attack,  he  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  his  men,  and 

1  sujprd.  2  iam. 


B.  G.  IV,  34-38  /I 

the  enemy  soon  withdrew.  After  the  legion  had  been  led 
back  in  safety,  Caesar  kept  the  troops  in  camp  for  several 
days  on  account  of  storms.  The  Britons  improved  [used] 
this  time  (in)  bringing  together  larger  forces  than  before. 
Caesar  also  had  obtained  a  few  horsemen,  for  in  the  for- 
mer battle,  as l  we  know,  he  had  been  unable  to  pursue 
the  enemy  (after  they  were)  put  to  flight.  While  the 
Britons  were  coming,  the  Roman  battle  line  was  being 
drawn  up,  and,  when  the  battle  had  begun,  it  made  a 
fierce  attack  upon  them.  The  latter  quickly  fled,  and  the 
cavalry  pursued  the  fugitives  [fleeing]  until  they  reached 
their  town.  They  at  once  projnised  hostages,  and  peace 
was  made  with  them.  Caesar  was  waiting  until  he  could 
sail  with  his  weakened  ships,  and  after  a  few  days,  obtain- 
ing good  weather,  he  set  out  for  Gaul  with  all  his  men. 
Because  of  his  victories  in  Britain  and  Gaul  there  was  a 
thanksgiving  at  Rome.  This  account2  tells  of  Caesar's 
first  invasion  of3  Britain.  In  the  next  book  we  have  a 
better  account  of  the  island,  its  people,  and  their  customs. 

USE  AND   SEQUENCE  OF  TENSES   (112-114) 
Caesar's  Relations  with  the  Germans 

187.  When  Caesar  first  came  to  Gaul,  he  found  (that) 
the  Germans  had  been  there  before  him.  The  Gauls  had 
made  use  of  their  aid  in  the  contentions  between  the  fac- 
tions of  their  states,  but  they  had  now  for  a  long  time 
been  repenting  of  this,  for  the  Germans  were  a  people  of 
great  power  and  wished  to  seize  the  fields  of  Gaul.  Caesar 
first  had  to  defeat  Ariovistus,  one  of  the  most  powerful 
kings  of  the  Germans.  Of  this  war  he  writes  in  the  first 

1  ut  with  Indicative.          2  memoria.          3  incur sio  in  with  Accusative. 


72  CAESAR 

book.  New  bands,  however,  kept  crossing  the  Rhine 
after1  Ariovistus  had  been  driven  out;  for  the  Gauls 
were  unable  to  defend  themselves,  and  Caesar,  the  only 
one  on  whom  they  could  rely,  was  subduing  rebellions 
among  the  Belgians,  the  Veneti,  and  the  Aquitani. 
When1  these  wars  had  been  brought  to  an  end,  he  has- 
tened with  great  quickness  toward  the  river  Rhine.  The 
Tencteri  with  all  their  (belongings)  were  wintering  in  the 
villages  of  the  Morini ;  but  Caesar  immediately  crushed 
them  by  stratagem  [ambush].  Then  he  determined  to 
carry  the  war  into  Germany  and  to  prevent  more  from 
crossing  [to  cross]  the  Rhine.  Therefore  he  built  a  bridge 
and  led  his  army  over,  but  eighteen  days  after  that,  he 
returned  to  Gaul  and  destroyed  that  (famous)  bridge.  In 
the  sixth  book  he  writes  (that)  he  went  again  to  Germany, 
and  tells  of  some  strange  things  about  which  we  know 
better. 

CAUSE  (115-118) 
The  Invasion  of  Britain 

188.  Caesar  writes  of  two  invasions  of  Britain,  one  of 
which  was  made  immediately  after  he  returned  from  Ger- 
many. Since  he  knew  nothing  about  the  island,  he  sent 
in  advance  a  lieutenant  who  was  worthy  of  his  confidence.2 
Through  fear  some  of  the  Britons  sent  hostages  to  him. 
(On)  setting  out  from  Gaul  he  left  a  garrison,  because 
(as  he  writes)  he  wished  to  have  a  safe  retreat3  to  the 
continent.  After  a  hard  [keen]  fight,  he  forced  his 
enemies  into  the  interior ;  but  because  of  the  injuries  to 
[of]  his  fleet  the  Britons  dared  to  attack  the  Romans. 
While  some  were  repairing  the  ships,  he  led  the  rest 

1  Express  in  two  ways.  2  fides.  3  receptus. 


B.  G.  I,  1-3  73 

against  the  enemy  and  defeated  them  in  battle.  Since 
Caesar  [Caesar,  since  he]  desired  to  return  to  the  conti- 
nent on  account  of  the  time  of  year,  he  gave  them  the 
peace  (they)  sought  and  quickly  left  Britain.  The  follow- 
ing year  he  again  went  to  the  island.  He  ordered  Dum- 
norix  to  go  with  him  because-he  [who]  was  hostile1  to  the 
Romans ;  but  Dumnorix  fled.  Caesar  pursued  and  put 
[having  pursued  put]  him  to  death  for  the  sake  of  an  exam- 
ple. Again  his  fleet  was  wrecked,  and  he  could  not  leave 
the  coast,  because  he  had  to  repair  the  ships.  Neverthe- 
less very  many  tribes  were  defeated  before  he  went  back  to 
Gaul. 

PURPOSE  — BY    PHRASE  (119-123) 
B.  G.  I,  1-3 

189.  Nations  have  always  been  eager  for  new  territory. 
Usually  2  this  is  accomplished  under  the  leadership  of  some 
man  of  great  influence  and  valor.  Among  the  Helvetians, 
who  lived  toward  [under]  the  east,  a  man  of  this  kind 
arose  during  the  consulship  at  Rome  of  Marcus  Messala 
and  Marcus  Piso.  This  man  was  called  Orgetorix  and 
was  of-noble-birth,  brave,  and  popular  among  [acceptable 
to]  the  common  people.  The  Helvetians  surpassed  the 
majority  [greater  part]  of  the  Gauls  in  war,  for  they 
often  went  from  their  country  to  fight  with  the  Germans. 
Their  country  was  too  narrow  for  their  desires,  and  for  this 
reason  Orgetorix  easily  persuaded  them  to  his  plan3  of 
emigrating  to  other  parts  of  Gaul.  For  carrying  out  this 
plan,  the  Helvetians  had  to  prepare  everything  within  two 
years,  for  they  had  determined  to  depart  in  the  third  year. 
They  also  tried  to  make  peace  with  those  states  through 

1  inimtcus.  %  vulgo.  3  consilium. 


74  CAESAR 

which  they  intended  [had  in  mind]  to  march.  For  this 
embassy  they  chose  Orgetorix.  Since  he  had  formed  a 
conspiracy  for  seizing  the  power,  he  gladly  undertook  this. 
He  was  assisted 1  not  only  by  the  nobility  of  his  own  state, 
but  by  two  powerful  men  among  the  Sequani  and  the 
Aedui.  It  was  also  to  his  advantage  [use]  that  [because] 
he  had  married  his  daughter  among  the  Aedui.  Of  his 
purpose2  the  Helvetians  knew  nothing,  but  were  making 
everything  ready  for  their  departure.3 

PURPOSE  — BY   CLAUSE    (124-128) 
B.  G.  I,  4-8 

190.  When  the  magistrates  were  informed  through  one 
of  their  retainers  of  this  plot  of  Orgetorix,  they  wished  to 
bring  him  to  trial,  that  the  law  might  be  enforced.  But 
fearing  that  he  could  not  escape,  and  that  they  would  burn 
him  to  death,  he  committed  suicide.  The  Helvetians, 
nevertheless,  were  waiting  only4  until  all  things  were 
ready,  and  on  March  24th,  as  some  say,  they  set  fire 
to  their  towns  and  started  toward  the  Rhone.  At  this 
time  Caesar  had  for-the-first-time  been  made  proconsul  of 
Gaul,  and  he  determined  to  hinder  them  from  passing 
through  the  province.  The  Helvetians  sent  the  noblest 
of  their  race  to  him  to  ask  that  an  opportunity  of  doing 
this  be  granted  them.  But  Caesar  wished  (for)  more  [of] 
time  and  ordered  them  to  return  to  him  on  the  I3th  of 
April.  When  they  came  to  ask  his  purpose,  he  for- 
bade their  crossing  [them  to  cross]  the  Rhone ;  and 
when  they  attempted  to  do  this  by  force  he  easily  re- 
pulsed them.  That  he  might  more  easily  overcome  them, 

1  adiuvo.  2  mens.  3  profectio.  4  tantum. 


B.  G.  I,  9-13  75 

he  had  meanwhile  brought  together  as  many  troops  as 
possible  and  had  fortified  many  places  on  this  side  of 
the  Rhone. 

RESULT   (129-133) 

B.  G.  I,  9-13 

191.  The  Helvetians  had  been  so  hindered  by  Caesar 
at  the  Rhone  that  they  were  crossing  into  Gaul  by  the 
only  other  way,  through  the  country  of  the  Sequanians. 
Dumnorix,    one    of    those   who    had    assisted    Orgetorix, 
brought  it  to  pass    that  the   Sequanians  were  no  longer 
unwilling   to    allow   the    Helvetians   to    make    their   way 
through  the  passes  of  the  mountains.     Since  so  large  a 
multitude  can  not  be  kept  from  doing  harm,  it  now  hap- 
pened that  the  Helvetians  had  laid  waste  the  fields  of  the 
Aeduans.     The  latter  immediately  sent  to  Caesar  to  ask 
for  aid,  and,  as  they  had  for  years  been  friends  of  Rome, 
Caesar  could  not  wait  until  they  had  nothing  left  with 
which  to  resist.     Caesar  had  gathered  his  forces  and  had 
marched    so    quickly  that  within  thirty   days   he  was  at 
Geneva    ready    for    battle.       When    he    heard    from    the 
Aeduans  of  their  wrongs,  he  did  not  hesitate l  to  go  to 
their   assistance.      (Being)   informed    through    scouts    of 
their  line  of  march,  he  attacked  them   so  suddenly  that 
he  crushed  one  canton,  and  the  others  sent  ambassadors 
to  him. 

CONDITIONS  — SIMPLE   STATEMENT    (134-137) 
B.  G.  I,  14-18 

192.  Even  if  Caesar  felt  [was]  conscious  of  any  outrage 
(Ut  the  hands)  of  the  Helvetians  because  the  Romans  had 

1  dubito. 


76  CAESAR 

been  defeated  by  trickery l  many  years  before,  he  blamed 
them  more  for  their  recent  deeds.  If  prosperity  is  some- 
times granted  to  the  wicked,  it  often  results'2  that  they 
grieve  more  when  the  change  comes.  And  Caesar  made 
some  such  reply  [replied  some  such  things]  to  the  Hel- 
vetians when  they  boasted3  of  their  former  victories. 
They  however  said :  "  If  you  do  not  make  peace  with  us, 
we  will  bring  upon  you  the  same  calamities  as  [which] 
we  brought  upon  Cassius."  Caesar  was  indignant  at  the 
words  [speech]  of  the  ambassadors,  but  nevertheless 
made  answer :  "  If  you  give  me  hostages  so  that  I  may 
have  some  control  over  [power  of]  your  deeds,  I  will  do 
as  you  wish."  But  this  they  refused.4  On  the  next  day 
they  defeated  a  much  larger  force  of  Caesar's  cavalry, 
which  gave  them  greater  hope.  Meanwhile  Caesar,  (who 
kept)  following,  could  not  obtain  grain  for  his  soldiers. 
He  said  to  the  Aeduans:  "  If  you  wish  our  aid  in  this  war, 
furnish  us  grain."  It  happened  that  Dumnorix  was  using 
his  influence  to  defeat  Caesar,  and  to  keep  his  own  place 
among  the  Aeduans.  All  this  was  discovered  by  Caesar, 
who  had  commanded  Liscus  to  tell  him  all. 

CONDITIONS  — POSSIBLE  AND   CONTRARY  TO  FACT   (138-141) 
B.  G.  I,  19-25 

193.  Caesar  feared  that  the  influence  of  Dumnorix 
would  become  of  so  great  (weight)  among  the  Gauls  that 
Divitiacus  would  be  driven  out.  But  at  the  exhortation 
of  the  latter  that  Dumnorix  be  spared,  Caesar  merely 
warned  him  to  do  better.  If  to-day5  you  and  I  were  in 
such  danger,  we  should  have  great  fear,  but  if  we  should 

1  dolus  (in  plural).         2fio.         3  Use  participle.         4  recuso.         5  hodie. 


B.  G.  i,  26-30  77 

escape  so  easily,  should  we  not  be  glad  ? l  Caesar  had 
planned  to  attack  the  enemy  the  next  day.  To  gain  2  the 
victory  more  easily,  he  sent  Labienus  ahead  to  seize  a 
mountain.  "  If  we  could  (possibly)  attack  the  enemy 
at  the  same  time,  we  should  defeat  them."  Afterwards 
he  sent  Considius  to  inform  him  of  Labienus.  If  Con- 
sidius  had  not  been  terrified,  the  enemy  would  have  been 
defeated  at  once,  but  he  reported  what  was  not  true. 
Even  then  victory  would  have  been  gained,  had  not 
Caesar  feared  that  Labienus  was  cut  off  by  the  enemy. 
Late  in  the  day  it  happened  that  the  truth  was  discovered, 
but  the  Helvetians  had  moved  on.  Caesar  could  not 
follow  farther,  for  his  men  had  no  food.  If  the  enemy 
had  proceeded,  they  could  have  reached  [come  through  to] 
Aquitania  before  Caesar  could  pursue.  But  they  turned 
from  their  way  and  attacked  the  Romans  (who  were)  in 
battle  line  both  half  way  up  and  on  the  top  of  a  hill. 

CONCESSION   AND   PROVISO    (142-145) 
B.  G.  I,  26-30 

194.  Although  the  Helvetians  fought  with  great  valor, 
they  (were)  defeated  (and)  withdrew  to  a  hill  near  by. 
Caesar's  soldiers  followed  so  fiercely  that  they  gained 
possession  of  the  camp.  The  Helvetians  had  to  leave 
all  and  depart  by  night  towards  the  north.3  Even  if 
Caesar  delayed  a  few  days,  he  nevertheless  prevented  the 
neighbors  from  assisting  the  enemy  with  food.  The  re- 
sult was  that  the  Helvetians  soon  after  this  came  to  him 
to  beg  for  peace.  Though  they  had  been  his  enemies, 
he  determined  to  spare  them,  provided  that  they  would4 

1  laetus.     2  adipiscor.     3  septentriones.     4  First  periphrastic  conjugation. 


78  CAESAR 

obey  his  orders.  He  wished  to  make  use  of  them,  for 
their  country  was  now  vacant,  and  he  feared  the  Germans 
would  seize  it.  Accordingly  he  ordered  the  Helvetians 
to  return  home  and  to  rebuild  the  villages  (they  had) 
burned.  They  had  gone  from  Helvetia  because  (as  they 
said)  their  territories  were  so  limited.  Do  you  remember 
Orgetorix,  the  leader  in  [of]  this  movement  [thing]  ? 
Now,  however,  there  was  enough  land,  for  from  about 
350,000  there  were  left  only  100,000.  The  number  of 
those  killed  in  this  short  war  was  so  great  that  we  wonder. 
Some  of  the  Gauls  came  to  ask  Caesar  for  a  council,  and, 
although  he  had  no  power  over  them,  he  appointed  a  day 
for  this  council  of  all  Gaul. 

INDIRECT  DISCOURSE— DECLARATIVE  SENTENCES   (146-150) 

B.  G.  I,  31-34- 
195.    Write  A  in  indirect  discourse,  depending  on  legati 

dixenmt  :  — 

A.  In  common  council  we  have  decided  to  seek  aid 
from  you.  But  you  must  not  disclose  what  we  shall 
say  of  the  Germans,  for  they  will  inflict  tortures  upon 
us.  They  first  came  hither1  to  bear  aid  to  the  Averni, 
and  then  they  settled  in  the  land  of  the  Sequanians, 
which  is  much  better  than  their  own.  The  Aeduans  have 
always  been  your  allies,  and  you  must  conquer  their  ene- 
mies, because  they  intend  to  do  what  the  Cimbri  did 
many  years  ago  [before].  Therefore  you  will  benefit2 
yourself  no  less  than  Gaul.  Ariovistus  is  their  king,  and-he 
[who]  is  no  longer  endurable.  For  this  reason  we  shall 
depart  from  our  homes. 

1  hue.  2  prosum. 


B.  G.  I,  35-39  79 

B.  Caesar  replied  that  he  would  send  a  messenger  to 
Ariovistus  to  beg  him  to l  come  to  a  conference ;  that  he 
had  hopes  that  the  king  would  do  what  he  asked  [should 
have  asked].  When  ambassadors  were  sent  to  Ariovistus, 
the  latter  said  that  he  would  not  hold  a  conference  with 
Caesar  and  did  not  dare  to  trust  the  Romans.  Besides,  he 
said  that  he  did  not  consider  [think]  that  Caesar  had  any 
business  in  Gaul  outside  o£.2  the  Roman  province. 

INDIRECT   DISCOURSE—CONDITIONAL  SENTENCES    (151-152) 
B.  G.  I,  35-39 

196.  Write  A  in  indirect  discourse,  depending  upon 
Ariovistus  respondit  :  — 

A.  If  I  were  seeking  any  favor  [thing]  of  you,  I  would 
come  to  you.     But  I  neither  can  do  this  nor  do  I  promise 
to  return  the  hostages  to  the  Aeduans.     If  they  had  not 
made  war  on  me,  I  should  not  have  injured3  them.     Since 
they  have  done  so  and  were  defeated,  they  now  pay  tribute 
to  me.     You  did  me  a  kindness  at  Rome  when  through 
your  efforts   [you]   I  was  recognized  [called]  as  a  king. 
If,  however,  I  shall  be  [shall  have  been]  hindered  by  you 
in  my  rights,  my  former 4  friendship  will  not  benefit  you. 
If    my  men   were  not  invincible,   they  would  have  been 
conquered  by  the  Gauls.      Therefore  I  do  not  fear  the 
Romans  more  than  my  former  enemies. 

B.  Caesar  was  informed  that  the  Germans  would  take 
Vesontio  if  he  did  not  bear  relief  [aid].     He  thought  he 
ought  not  abandon  to  the  enemy  so  great  a  supply  of  arms 
and  hastened  by  forced  marches  to  the  town  of  Vesontio. 
It  was    said  that   the   Germans   would  easily  defeat  the 

1  126.  2  extra.  8  noceo.  4  vetus. 


80  CAESAR 

Romans  if  a  battle  should  be  fought,  for  the  former  were 
men  of  greater  stature  than  the  latter.  The  army  was 
greatly  disturbed  by  the  reports  [words],  and  they  say  that 
the  camp  would  have  been  abandoned  and  the  Romans 
would  have  gone  home,  had  not  some  been  held  by  (feelings 
of)  shame. 

INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  — QUESTIONS  AND  COMMANDS  (153-155) 
B.  G.  I,  40-46 

197.  When  some  begged  permission  [that  it  be  per- 
mitted them]  to  return  to  Rome,  Caesar  addressed  his 
officers  :  (Put  into  indirect  discoursed) 

What  do  I  hear  ?  That  Romans  are  afraid  ?  If  any 
one  desires  to  leave  me,  let  him  go.  Many-times  already 
our  fathers  have  met l  these  Germans  and  have  defeated 
them.  Why  should  not  we  ?  Indeed,  I  believe  Ariovistus 
will  refuse  to  fight  us.  Do  not  fear  the  scarcity  of  grain 
and  the  long  roads.  Am  I  not  looking  out  for  the  sup- 
plies ?  As  to  the  roads,  you  can  soon  judge,  for  this  night 
I  shall  advance.  The  tenth  legion  will  be  faithful  to  me, 
and  with  it  alone  I  will  meet  these  Germans.  Now  return 
to  your  legions,  and  let  the  brave  prepare  to  follow  me. 

A  few  days  after  this,  Caesar,  in  a  conference  with  Ario- 
vistus, tried  to  show  him  how  much  advantage  [good] 
Rome  had  been  to  him  and  what  he  ought  to  do  for  her. 
Ariovistus  told  Caesar  why  he  suspected  that  his  friend- 
ship was  pretended,  and  how  he  could  gain  true  friends 
at  Rome  if  he  should  kill  Caesar.  Caesar  writes  that  then 
Ariovistus  ordered  his  cavalry  to  attack  the  Romans,  and 
that  thus  the  conference  was  broken  off. 


B.  G.  I,  47-54  8 1 

INFORMAL    INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  AND  ATTRACTION   (156-157) 
B.  G.  I,  47-54 

198.  Although  Ariovistus  had  broken  off  the  conference 
which  had  been  held,  he  asked  Caesar  to  meet  [come 
together  with]  him  again.  But  Caesar  decided  that  he 
ought  not  trust  him  a-second-time.  Ariovistus  seized  the 
ambassadors  of  the  Romans,  because  (as  he  said)  they  had 
come  to  harm  him.  To  see  whether  they  would  join  in 
battle  or  not,  Caesar  ordered  his  troops  to  be  led  out  each 
day.  If  the  Germans  had  not  thought  it  was  not  permitted- 
by-the-gods,  they  would  have  contended  with  Caesar  when 
he  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  doing  so.  Although  they 
had  great  strength  [were  able  much]  in  cavalry  and 
thought  themselves  superior  to  the  Romans,  they  relied  so 
much  on  the  lots  that  they  did  not  intend  to  fight  until 
there  was  a  new  moon.  Caesar  found  out  why  they  did 
not  wish  a  battle,  and  having  drawn  up  his  forces  with 
great  care,  he  quickly  made  an  attack,  and  after  fierce 
fighting,  put  them  to  flight.  Ariovistus,  however,  was 
one  of  the  few  who  escaped  across  the  Rhine.  This  vic- 
tory greatly  increased1  Caesar's  influence  in  Gaul.  Then 
Caesar  set  out  to  do  what  seemed  advantageous  for  the 
state,  and  the  army  was  led  into  winter  quarters. 

1  augeo. 

LAT.  PROSE   COMP.  —  6 


EXERCISES  — NEPOS 


Words  connected  by  hyphens  are  to  be  translated  by  a  single  word,  e.g.  were- 
in-command-of.  Words  in  round  brackets  are  to  be  omitted  in  translation. 
Square  brackets  indicate  the  Latin  rendering.  Figures  in  heavy  type  refer 
to  the  sections  of  the  Introduction.  —  See  Caution,  p.  53. 


ARRANGEMENT   OF  THE   SENTENCE    (1-6) 
MILTIADES   I-II 

199.  Miltiades,  who  was  very  eminent  at  Athens,1  was 
sent  to  the  Chersonesus2  by  the  Athenians.    They  selected 
him  (in  accordance  with)  the  reply  of  the  Pythia;  for  they 
had  sent  men  to  Delphi  to  consult3  the  god,  and  he  had 
bidden   them  take  Miltiades  (as)  their  leader.     Miltiades 
then  set  out  for  Lemnos,  which  island  he  tried4  to  bring 
under  the  protection  of  the  Athenians.     As  the  inhabit- 
ants laughed5  at  (him),  and  he  had  no  time  to  delay  [of 
delaying],    he    departed    to    the    Chersonesus.     Many  (of 
the)  Athenians  had  set  out  with  him  from  Athens.2     With 
these  he  soon  routed  the  barbarians  and  gained  possession 
of  the  whole  country.     After  he  had  settled6  the  colonists 
here,  he  again 7  went  to   Lemnos.     The  inhabitants,  not 
daring  to  resist,  yielded  to  him.     The  other  islands  were 
then  brought  under  Athenian  rule. 

SIMPLE   AGREEMENTS    (7-10) 
MILTIADES    III-IV 

200.  Miltiades  and  the  Greek  chiefs,  who  had  followed 
King  Darius  from  Asia,  were  left  (as)  guardians  of  the 

1  97.        2  96.        3  124.        *  conor.        5  117.        6  108.        7  rursus. 

82 


brid 


MILTIADES   IV-VI  83 


bridge  over  [in]  the  Danube  [river].  By  this  bridge  Darius 
had  led  his  troops  across  the  river,  and  was  making  war 
upon  the  Scythians.  Messages  were  soon  brought  to  the 
guards  of  the  bridge  (that)  the  Scythians1  were  pressing 
Darius  hard.  Immediately2  Miltiades  said  to  the  other 
guards :  "  We  will  cut  down  this  bridge  and  leave  Darius 
and  his  army  across  the  river.  There  they  will  perish 
within3  a  few  days.  We  will  then  free  Greece  (from)  Per- 
sian rule."  The  other  Greek  leaders  shrunk  from  this 
plan,  for  their  own  power  depended  upon  the  sovereignty 
of  Darius.  (As  there  were4)  so  many  privy  (to  his  plan) 
Miltiades  did  not  dare  remain  in  Thrace,  but  set  out  from 
the  Chersonesus  for  Athens. 

Darius  returned  safely  from  Europe,  and  after  prepar- 
ing4 a  large  fleet  sent  it  to  subdue5  Greece;  for  his  friends 
told  him  that  the  Athenians1  were  his  enemies.  This  fleet 
was  first  brought  to  Euboea.  This  [which]  was  quickly 
taken,  and  all  its  inhabitants  were  sent  to  the  king. 

PERIPHRASTIC  CONJUGATIONS.    TENSES   (11-15) 
MILTIADES   IV-VI 

201.  Darius  intended  to  subdue  Greece,  and  alleged  (as) 
an  excuse  (that)  the  Athenians  had  given  aid  to  the  lonians. 
The  Athenians  (were)  greatly  disturbed  by  the  approach 
of  the  Persians  (and)  sought  aid  of  [from]  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians. While  a  messenger  was  going  to  Lacedaemon,  they 
had  to  choose  ten  generals.  These  men  were-in-command- 
of  the  army,  and  had  to  decide  where  they  ought  to  fight. 
Some  wished  to  defend  the  city ;  others,  to  meet  the 
enemy  on  the  battlefield  [in  battle  line]  even  with  their 

1  147.          2  statim.         B  100.          4  22.          5  124. 


84  NEPOS 

small  forces.  The  Lacedaemonians  could  not  aid  [send  aid 
to]  them  at  this  time,  and  so  the  Plataeans  (were  the)  only1 
(ones  who)  assisted  them.  Yet  Miltiades  led  forth  the 
troops  of  the  Athenians,  and  pitched  camp  in  a  spot  where 
the  trees  were  scattered-here-and-there.  In  this  way  he 
thought  he  would2  hinder  the  Persian  cavalry.  When 
Datis,  the  Persian  leader,  saw  that  they  were-eager  to 
fight,  he  immediately  joined  battle,  but,  routed  by  the 
valor  of  the  Athenians,  he  had  to-retire-to  [seek]  his  ships. 
As  a  reward  for  this  victory  the  Athenians  placed  the  por- 
trait of  Miltiades  first  among  their  generals.  For  the  battle 
of-Marathon3  was  painted  in  the  Poecile  at  their  command. 

USES  OF  THE   INFINITIVE  (16-20) 
MILTIADES  VII-VIII 

202.  The  Persian  had  withdrawn  from  Greece,  but  was 
still  able  to  hold  many  islands.  These  [which]  the  Athe- 
nians wished  to  take  vengeance  upon  [pursue  with  war], 
because  they  had  aided  the  Persian  with  their  fleets.  There- 
fore they  put  Miltiades  in  charge  of 4  their  forces.  When 
he  had  compelled5  many  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  he 
came  to  Paros.  This  [which]  island  he  could  not  win-over 
by  persuasion  [speech],  for  the  Parians  thought  that  the 
Persian  fleet  would  support6  them.  Accordingly  Miltiades 
besieged  the  city,  and  was  on  the  point  of  capturing  it, 
when  a  grove  in  the  distance  accidentally  caught  fire.  Both 
(parties)  thought  that  the  royal  fleet  was  approaching  ;  and 
Miltiades,  burning  his  vineae  and  testudo,  returned  home 
unsuccessful.  The  Athenians  thought  that  he  had  been 
corrupted  by  the  king,  and  fined  him  heavily  [punished 

1  solus.        2  147,  150.        3  65.        *  Sec.  IV,  text.        5  109.        6  Sec.  V,  text. 


THEMISTOCLES   I-V  85 

him  by  a  large  fine].  This  money  was  not  paid  by  Miltia- 
des,  and  he  died  in  prison  from  the  wounds  [which]  he  had 
received  near  Paros.  The  Athenians  had  punished  Miltia- 
des,  not  because  of  this  charge,  but  because  his  power 
seemed  [to  be]  too  great.  Besides,  they  feared  he  would 1 
be  a  tyrant. 

ABLATIVE  ABSOLUTE  (21-24) 2 
THEMISTOCLES   I-V 

203.  In  the  reign 3  of  Xerxes  the  Persians  sent  a  very 
large  fleet  and  army  against  Greece,  but  these  were  de- 
feated by  the  foresight  of  one  (man).  For  at  Athens  lived 
Themistocles,  who,  (when)  disinherited  by  his  father,  had 
devoted  himself  to  (the  interests  of)  the  state.  This  (man) 
was  very  skillful  in  naval  warfare,  and  by  his  advice  the 
Athenians  had  built  a  fleet  with  the  state  money.  When 
the  approach  of  Xerxes  was  known,  the  Athenians  asked 
the  god  how4  they  should  protect  themselves.  When  he 
had  replied :  "  By  wooden  walls,"  Themistocles  declared 
(that)  the  ships  were  the  "  wooden  walls."  So  the  Athe- 
nians, abandoning  the  city,  hastened  5  to  Euboea  with  their 
fleet  of  two  hundred  ships.  (Although)  they  defeated  the 
barbarians  here,  they  withdrew  because  the  Persians  had 
captured  Thermopylae.  The  allies  of  the  Athenians  wished 
to  return  (to)  their  homes,  when  they  saw  Athens  destroyed 
by  fire.  But  Themistocles  compelled  them  to  fight  at6 
Salamis.  For,  sending  a  messenger  to  the  king,  he  per- 
suaded him  to 7  attack  the  Greeks  immediately.  On  doing 
this  he  was  conquered  by  the  fleet  of  Greece.  Fearing  a 
greater  disaster,  the  king  then  returned  to  [into]  Asia. 

1  127.         2  Use  the  Ablative  Absolute  where  it  is  possible. 

7  126. 


86  NEPOS 

QUESTIONS   AND   ANSWERS    (25-31) 
THEMISTOCLES   VI-X 

204.  Was  Themistocles  less  great  in  (time  of)  peace  ? 
No,  for  he  established  the  triple  harbor  of  the  Piraeus,  and 
fortified  it  by  walls.     Did  he  not  surround  the  city  itself 
with  walls  ?     Certainly,  but  not  at  first.     When  he  tried 
to  restore  the  walls  of  the  city,  the  Lacedaemonians  for- 
bade the  Athenians  to  do  it.     How  did  they  rebuild  them 
then  ? l    Themistocles  went  to   Lacedaemon  and  delayed 
matters  [things]  until  the  walls  were2  built  sufficiently  high. 
This  he  learned  from  his  colleagues,  who  had  now  come  to 
Sparta.     Did  the  Spartans  hear  (of)  this  ?     Yes,  but  they 
humored  Themistocles,  and  sent  three  legates,  holding  the 
highest  position,  to  investigate  [the  thing].     With  them 
went  the  other  Athenians,  (but)  not  Themistocles.     Why 
did  not  he  return  also  ?    The  Lacedaemonians  held  him  as 
a   hostage ;   but  when  their  own   ambassadors  arrived   at 
Athens  they  were  not  allowed  to  go  until  Themistocles  had 
been2  sent  home.     Several 3  years  later  he  had  to  flee  for 
safety  to  Asia,  because  he  was  accused  of  treason.     King 
Artaxerxes   gave   him   many   gifts,   for  he   hoped   by  his 
counsel  to  crush  4  Greece.     But  Themistocles  died  at  Mag- 
nesia and  was  buried  near  the  city. 

OBJECT  CASES— i.  ACCUSATIVE    (32-39) 
ARISTIDES  AND   PAUSANIAS 

205.  The  Athenians  called  Aristides  'the  Just/  because 
he  was  so  upright  [of  so  great  integrity].     When  he  was 
being  exiled,  he  asked  a  man  why  he  desired  to  banish 

1  tandem.      2  111.      3  aliquot.      4  Future  Infinitive  of  Indir.  Disc.  148. 


ARISTIDES,    PAUSANIAS,    CIMON  87 

Aristides.  He  [that  one]  replied :  "  Because  all  call  him  the 
Just."  Yet  this  same  integrity  gave  Athens  the  supremacy 
of  the  sea.  For  when  Pausanias  was  conducting  himself 
too  arrogantly  at  Byzantium,  the  Greek  states  joined  the 
Athenian  alliance,  and  chose  Aristides  as  their  leader. 
Pausanias  had  become  too  elated  by  his  victory  at  Plataea. 
When  the  golden  tripod  was  set  up  at  Delphi  because  of 
this  victory,  he  had  written  on  (it)  that  he  himself  had  de- 
feated the  Persians.  This  inscription  was  cut  out  by  the 
Spartans.  Later,  at  Byzantium,  as  has  been  stated  above,1 
he  conducted  himself  arrogantly,  and  almost  demanded 
royal  honors  of  the  allies.  For  this  [which]  he  was  called 
home  by  the  ephors  and  fined.  Returning  [when  he  had 
returned]  (to)  Byzantium  of  his  own  accord,  he  wrote 
letters  to  the  Persian  king,  in  which  he  promised  to  sub- 
due Greece  for  him,  and  expressed  the  hope  [hoped]  that 
he  would  give  him  his  daughter.  When  this  was  learned, 
(he  was)  again  recalled  to  Sparta  (and)  was  imprisoned, 
but  later  he  was  set  free,  because  he  could  not  be  convicted. 
The  ephors  then  asked  a  favor  of  a  certain  Argilius,  a 
trusted  slave  of  Pausanias.  This  man  betrayed  Pausanias 
to  the  ephors,  but  he  escaped  to  a  temple.  The  doors  of 
this  [of  which]  (temple)  were  then  walled  up,  and  here 
perished  in  disgrace  the  conqueror  of  Plataea. 

OBJECT  CASES  — 2.   GENITIVE    (40-45) 
CIMON 

206.  Do  you  remember  the  hard  fate  of  Cimon  ?  Ac- 
cording to  Athenian  laws  he  was  detained  in  the  public 
prison,  because  a  large  sum  of  [much]  money,  his  father's 

1  supra. 


88  NEPOS 

fine,  had  not  been  paid.  We  pity  this  illustrious1  son  of 
Miltiades,  but  remember  the  great  love  of  his  sister.  When 
the  wealthy  but  ignoble  Callias  wished  to  marry  her,  she 
declared  that  she  would  marry2  him  when  he  had  paid 
Cimon's  fine.  On  being  thus  freed,  Cimon  quickly  became 
powerful  with  the  army,  which  under  his  command  [he 
being  leader]  defeated  his  country's  enemies  and  captured 
great  spoils.  With  these  he  adorned  the  Acropolis  of 
Athens,  but  because  of  his  great  power  was  soon  exiled 
by  his  ungrateful  citizens.  When  the  Lacedaemonians 
declared  war  on  Athens,  they  repented  of  their  jealousy 
of  Cimon.  After  his  recall  [having  been  recalled]  he  did 
not  keep  in  mind  the  deed  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  strove 
to  restore  peace  between  Athens  and  Sparta.  After  this 
had  been  gained,  having  gone  to  Cyprus  he  had  subdued 
the  larger  part  of  the  island,  when  he  died  of  disease. 
Athens  had  never  had  a  man  of  such  liberality.  Every 
Athenian  enjoyed  his  garden  and  its  fruit.  His  property, 
his  services,  did  not  fail  any  who  needed  his  help.  For  a 
long  time  Athens  mourned  his  loss  [missed  him]. 

OBJECT   CASES  — 3.    DATIVE    (46-51) 
LYSANDER 

207.  Lysander  won  his  reputation  rather  because  of 
the  insubordination  of  the  Athenians  than  because  of  his 
own  valor ;  for  they  had  not  been  obedient  to  their  com- 
mander, but  had  left  the  fleet  unguarded.3  Easily  getting 
possession  of  this  fleet,  Lysander  was  greatly  puffed  up 
by  his  victory,  and  strove  to  hold  all  Greece  in  his  power. 
Banishing  all  the  enemies  of  Sparta  from  the  states  of 

1  ddrus.  2  ntibd.  3  indnis. 


LYSANDER,   ALCIBIADES   I-V  89 

Greece,  he  put  in  power  over  these  states  men  [those]  who 
favored  his  own  interests.  For  he  aimed  at  becoming  [he 
sought  to  become]  king  of  all  Greece.  First  he  tried  to 
remove  the  kings  of  Sparta  by  corrupting  the  god,  but 
he  could  not  persuade  the  priests  at  Delphi  or  Dodona. 
Then  he  set  out  for  the  shrine  of  Jupiter  Ammon  in  [into] 
Africa;  but  not  only  could  he  not  corrupt  the  priests 
there,  but  he  was  accused  by  them  before  the  magistrates 
of  this  crime.  The  judges,  however,  acquitted  him,  and  he 
was  later  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  Orchomenians.  In  this 
war  the  Thebans  slew  him.  He  had  always  acted  avari- 
ciously and  treated  the  allies^  cruelly.  Once,1  fearing  [for 
himself]  the  odium  of  his  fellow-citizens,  he  asked  Pharna- 
bazus  for  a  testimonial  of  his  integrity.  On  receiving  this, 
he  handed  it  to  the  ephors,  who  read  in  it  not  the  praise, 
but  the  condemnation2  of  Lysander. 

OBJECT  CASES  — 4.   ABLATIVE    (52-57) 
ALCIBIADES   I-V 

208.  All  (men)  wondered  that  one  man  could  have  [in 
one  man  there  could  be]  such  diverse  gifts  as  Alcibiades. 
He  was  at  once  painstaking  and  industrious,  dissolute  and 
lustful,  a  man  of  great  virtues  and  of  great  vices.  Shrewd 
in  counsel,  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  declare  war  on 
Syracuse,  and  to  elect  him  general  for  the  war  [for  carrying 
on  the  war].  As  he  was  on  the  point  of  3  setting  out,  almost 
all  the  Hermae  throughout  the  city  were  overthrown,  which 
occurrence  [thing]  made  the  people  fear  for  their  liberty. 
When  Alcibiades  noticed  that  all  thought  he  desired  to 
get  possession  of  the  city,  he  urged  his  enemies  to  hold  4 

1  seme/.          2  acciisdtid.          3  Cf.  Milt.  sec.  VII.          4  126. 


90  NEPOS 

an  investigation  while  he  was  present  [he  being  present]. 
They  could  not  injure  him  at  that  time,  and  so  remained- 
silent  until  he  had  reached  Sicily.  Then  they  accused 
him  of  sacrilege  [because  he  had  profaned  the  sacred 
rites],  and  he  was  ordered  home  [that  he  should  return 
home]  for  trial.  Fearing  that  his  fellow-citizens  were 
estranged  from  him,  he  fled  to  Lacedaemon,  where  by  his 
talents  he  aided  the  Lacedaemonians.  He  was  so  shrewd 
in  counsel  that  the  Lacedaemonians  sought  to  kill  him,  for 
they  feared  that  he  would  be  restored  to  favor  with  the 
Athenians.  Alcibiades  perceived  this,  and  withdrew  from 
Sparta  to  Tissaphernes.  Shortly  after  he  returned  to 
Athens,  having  won  such  victories  that  Lacedaemon 
begged  for  peace. 

PASSIVES  (58-62) 
ALCIBIADES   VI-XI 

209.  The  Athenians  had  been  persuaded  that  they  had 
suffered  adversity  [adverse  things  had  happened  to  them] 
because  Alcibiades  had  been  banished  by  them.  Yet, 
although1  they  flocked  to  the  Piraeus  to  see  him,  and 
although  laurel  wreaths  were  bestowed  on  him  by  the 
state,  as 2  upon  an  Olympic  victor,  he  soon  fell  again  into 
disfavor,  when  he  failed  to  [did  not]  take  Cyme.  After 
he  learned  that  they  had  put  another  in  his  stead,  he 
withdrew  to  Thrace,  where  he  gathered  an  army  and 
enriched  himself  by  plunder.  Here  he  showed  his  love 
of  country ;  for  when  Lysander,  the  Spartan,  was  pro- 
tracting the  war  in  order  that  he  might  exhaust  the  re- 
sources of  the  Athenians,  Alcibiades  came  to  Philocles 
and  promised  to  3  drive  Lysander  from  Thrace,  or  to  force 

i  142.  2  ut.  3  Future  Infinitive,  148. 


THRASYBULUS  9 1 

him  to  make  peace.  Philocles,  however,  not  only  was 
unwilling  to  do  what  Alcibiades  urged,  but  even  gave 
Lysander  a  chance  to  destroy  his  army.  Alcibiades,  after 
losing  all  his  possessions,  fled  to  the  satrap,  Pharnabazus. 
At  first  Pharnabazus  received  him  kindly,  but  afterwards, 
when  the  Lacedaemonians  demanded  that  Alcibiades 
should  be  killed,  ordered  his  men  to  slay  him.  They  tried 
at  first  to  accomplish  this  by  setting  fire  to  his  house  [his 
house  having  been  fired] ;  but  as  he  was  on  the  point  of 
escaping  from  the  flames  they  had  to  slay  him  with  mis- 
siles. 

POSSESSION  (63-67) 

THRASYBULUS 

210.  For  some  reason,  many  (men)  who  have  been  very 
valiant  and  have  freed  their  country  from  tyrants,  have 
not  gained1  great  renown  among  their  (people).  So 
Thrasybulus  excelled  all  in  merit,  but  others  profited  by 
his  deeds  [made  his  deeds  of  profit].  Thrasybulus  had, 
however,  the  special  glory  of  driving  out  the  thirty  tyrants. 
When  he  had  (but)  thirty  men  with  him,  the  tyrants  de- 
spised him ;  but  therein  lay  his  safety  [this  was  to  him 
for  safety].  For  he  increased  his  forces  while  they  were 
slow  in  pursuing  him.  Later,  he  seized  Munychia  and 
killed  Critias,  the  chief  of  his  enemies,  who  with  his  (men) 
had  assaulted  his  position.  When  the  forces  of  Critias 
were  withdrawing  to  the  city,  Thrasyb.ulus  spared  all  ex- 
cept the  tyrants  themselves.  These  were  punished  by 
exile,  and  their  goods  were  confiscated.  All  others,  who 
had  not  been  (associated)  with  them  in  the  city,  were  not 
punished  for2  their  previous  misdeeds.  The  law  of  amnesty 

243. 


Q2  NEPOS 

was  the  special  merit  of  Thrasybulus.  In  recognition  of 
[for]  his  services,  the  people  gave  him  a  crown  of  olive 
branches.  With  this  small  gift  he  was  content,  and  escaped 
the  envy  of  his  fellow-citizens.  While  he  was  waging  war 
in  Cilicia  as  a  general,  the  barbarians  sallied  forth  from 
their  town  and  killed  him. 

DESCRIPTION  — BY   PHRASE  (68-75) 
CONON 

211.  In  her  misfortune  Athens  had  a  general  of  great 
skill  and  carefulness.  Indeed,  when  Lysander  had  con- 
quered the  Athenian  fleet  at  Aegospotami,  and  the  Spar- 
tans were  about  to  besiege  Athens,  Conon  sought  every 
(means)  by  which  he  might  protect  [be  for  a  defense  to]* 
his  country.  As  at  this  time  Tissaphernes,  the  royal  satrap, 
had  formed  a  league  with  the  enemies  of  Athens,  Conon 
sought  aid  of  Pharnabazus,  who  was  not  only  a  satrap 
but  a  son-in-law  of  the  king.  He  was  a  man  of  great 
judgment,  and  appointed  Conon  general  of  his  forces. 
When  Agesilaus,  on  the  overthrow  of  Athens,  attempted 
to  wrest  Asia  from  the  Persian  by  the  aid  of  Tissaphernes, 
Conon  opposed  him  until  the  Athenians  declared  war  on 
the  Lacedaemonians.  At  this  time  Artaxerxes,  the  great 
king,  did  not  know  that  Tissaphernes  had  revolted  from 
him.  But  on  the  departure  of  Agesilaus,  Pharnabazus  s 
sent  Conon  to  the  king  to  accuse  Tissaphernes.  When 
Conon  had  come,  he,  with  great  prudence,  handed  to  the 
chiliarch,  in  writing  [written],  what  he  had  intended  to 
say  to  the  king;  for  every  one  who  came  to  the  king's 
presence  had  to  reverence  him.  This,  according  to  the 
customs  of  free  Greece,  he  could  not  do.  On  reading1 

1  lego. 


CONON,    DION   I-IV  93 

these  letters,  the  king  declared  war  on  Tissaphernes  and 
the  Lacedaemonians  ;  and  also  ordered  war  galleys  from 
the  maritime  states.  Conon  was  put  in  command  of  these, 
and  soon  routed  the  enemy.  By  this  victory  he  freed 
Athens,  and  all  Greece  from  Spartan  rule.  Afterwards 
he  was  imprisoned,  because  he  tried  to  bring  Ionia  again 
under  Athenian  rule. 

DESCRIPTION  — BY  CLAUSE   (76-79) 
DION   I-IV 

212.  Dion  of  Syracuse  was  connected  with  both  the  Dio- 
nysi.  By  nature  he  was  of  a  kindly  disposition,  and  disliked 
the  cruelty  of  the  elder  Dionysus ;  but  because  of  his  rela- 
tionship he  remained  [was]  intimate  with  him.  What  riches 
his  father  had  left  him  were  increased  by  Dionysus,  who 
had  also  given  him  his  own  daughter  in  marriage.  What- 
ever Dionysus  wished  done  was  faithfully  executed  by 
Dion.  In  this  way  Dion  was  able  to  soften  the  cruelty  of 
the  elder  Dionysus  by  his  own  kindness.  Dionysus  in- 
deed humored  him,  and  even  brought  over  to  Syracuse 
Plato,  who  was  then  at  Tarentum.  When  Plato,  later, 
displeased  him,  Dionysus,  influenced  by  Dion's  prayers, 
did  not  sell  him  (as  a  slave).  When  Dionysus  was  seri- 
ously sick,  Dion  wished  him  to  divide  his  kingdom ;  for 
he  desired  his  sister's  sons  to  have  a  share.  The  physi- 
cians, who  reported  this  to  the  younger  Dionysus,  were 
compelled  to  give  the  sick  man  a  sleeping  potion.  This 
act  [thing]  was  the  cause  of  the  hatred  between  Dion  and 
Dionysus  the  Younger.  At  first  the  latter  pretended 
friendship ;  but  when  he  feared  that  the  people  would 
crush  him  because  they  loved  Dion,  and  he  himself  was 
not  worthy  to  be  loved,  he  sent  Dion  to  Greece  with  all  his 


94  NEPOS 

goods.  Then  he  gave  Dion's  wife  in  marriage  to  another, 
and  gratified  the  basest  desires  of  the  son.  Meanwhile 
Dion  began  to  prepare  troops  in  the  Peloponnesus. 

MEANS   AND   AGENCY  (80-84) 
DION   V-X 

213.  With  (but)  two  ships,  Dion  attacked  Sicily  and 
overthrew  the  tyranny  of  Dionysus  within  three  days. 
He  was  assisted  by  Heraclides,  who  had  been  expelled  by 
Dionysus.  When  Dion  had  recovered  his  wife,  a  faction 
was  organized  against  him  by  the  same ,  Heraclides,  who 
could  not  calmly  endure  the  power  of  Dion.  By  means 
of  his  soldiers  Dion  had  Heraclides  killed,  and  then  divided 
among  them  the  money  which  he  took  from  his  oppo- 
nents. When  this  failed  him,  and  he  could  not  appease 
the  soldiers  except  by  more  money,  he  lost  (the  favor  of) 
the  Optimates.  Then  the  people  began  to  call  him  tyrant 
since  he  could  no  longer  retain  the  favor  of  the  soldiers. 
At  this  time  a  shrewd  Greek,  Callicrates,  who  thought 
all  were  hostile  to  Dion,  formed  a  conspiracy  against 
him.  He  pretended  to  be  Dion's  friend,  and  disclosed 
to  him  his  plan,  (saying)  that  by  his  help  Dion  would  dis- 
cover his  enemies.  When  the  truth  [thing]  was  almost 
revealed  by  Dion's  sister  and  wife,  Callicrates  hastened  to 
slay  him.  This  he  accomplished  by  means  of  some  youths 
of  great  strength,  who  bound  Dion  and  killed  him  with  a 
sword  [killed  with  a  sword  Dion  bound].  The  Syracusans 
were  greatly  displeased  at  their  deed,  and  buried  Dion  at  the 
expense  of  the  state.  He  was  called  by  them  the  Liberator 
of  his  Country,  because  he  had  driven  forth  Dionysus  the 
Younger. 


EPAMINONDAS   I-X  95 

MANNER   AND   ACCOMPANIMENT  (85-87) 
EPAMINONDAS    I-IV 

214.  Epaminondas  was  the  noblest1  of  all  the  Greeks. 
He  was  born   at  Thebes,  in-poor-circumstances,  but  was 
educated  very  carefully2  by  his  teachers.     Thus  he  learned 
singing3  and  dancing,  arts  which  at  Rome  were  considered 
vices,  but  in  Greece  praiseworthy.     Lysis,  the  Pythagorean, 
who  had  come  with  his  pupils  to  Greece,  taught  him  philos- 
ophy.    In  the  palaestra  he  aimed  at  quickness  (of  move- 
ment) because  he  thought  he  was  in  this  way  better  trained 
for  the  practice  of  arms.     He  cherished  truth  and  honor 
to-such-a-degree  that  he  preferred  to  endure  poverty  rather 
than  to  receive  money  unlawfully  [through  wrong].     Once 
Artaxerxes,  King  of  Persia,  wished  some  (favor)  from  the 
Thebans.     To  gain  [do]  this,  he  sent  Diomedon  to  Thebes 
with  a  large  sum  of  money.      This  man  attempted  with 
the   money  to   bribe    Epaminondas.       But  when   he   met 
Epaminondas   with    Micythus,   whom   he  had   bribed,    he 
could  not  tempt  him  in  any  way  ;  for  not  only4  did  Epami- 
nondas not  receive  the  money,  but  he  even4  compelled  Micy- 
thus to  return  to  Diomedon  the  gold  which  he  had  received 
from  him  and  which  he  had  with  him.      He    afterwards 
sent  Diomedon  with  it  to  Athens  for  safety.     At  Athens 
he  provided  a  ship  in  which  Diomedon  could  reach  Asia  un- 
harmed.   There  was  not  gold  enough  in  the  world  to  tempt 
Epaminondas. 

COMPARISON  (88-94) 
EPAMINONDAS   V-X 

215.  Few  Greeks  were  more  eloquent  than  Epaminondas. 
Indeed,  no  Theban  was  happier  than  he  in  repartee  [the 

1  praecldrus.          2  ciira.          3  16.          4  non  modo  .  .  ,  sed  etiam. 


96  NEPOS 

brevity  of  reply].  To  be  sure,  Thebans  had  more  strength 
than  brains.  Yet  a  few  of  them  had  some  [something  of] 
eloquence.  Some  of  the  opponents  of  Epaminondas,  who 
saw  that  he  was  well  trained  in  war,  preferred  the  palaestra 
to  the  camp.  For  in  this  way  they  hoped  to  divert  (the 
thoughts  of)  their  fellow-citizens  from  war.  But  Epami- 
nondas showed  that  Thebes  was  gaining  slavery  rather 
than  peace  by  such  means ;  that  lasting  peace  comes  from 
war.  The  Spartans'  power  was  shaken  no  less  by  his  elo- 
quence than  by  his  arms,  for  by  it  he  deprived  the  Spartans 
of  their  allies.  Again  and  again  did  he  endure  injuries 
(at  the  hands)  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  never  cherished- 
resentment-against  his  country.  When  they  needed  his 
care,  he  came  to  their  aid  without  a  thought  of  the  previous 
injury  [no  memory  of  the  injury  being  held  to].  Once, 
even,  he  retained  the  command  longer  than  he  legally 
could,  because  he  saw  that  the  new  generals  were  inexperi- 
enced and  that  the  army  would  otherwise  1  perish.  So  he 
held  the  command  for  more  than  four  months.  On  his 
return,  he  was  accused  of  not  obeying  the  law.  He  con- 
fessed, but  asked  of  them  to  say,  after  his  death,  that  he 
had  been  killed  because  he  had  compelled  them  to  over- 
come the  Lacedaemonians.  He  fell  at  Mantinea  and  died 
when  the  Boeotians  were  announcing  to  him  their  victory. 

.RELATIONS   OF  PLACE  (95-99) 
PELOPIDAS 

216.  At  Thebes  Pelopidas  was  next  to  Epaminondas  in 
honor ;  for  under  his  guidance  the  Spartans  were  driven  from 
the  Cadmea,  and  Thebes  was  freed.  The  citadel  of  Thebes, 

1  aliter. 


PELOPIDAS,  AGESILAUS   I-IV  97 

the  Cadmea,  had  been  seized  by  a  Spartan  general,  who  was 
marching  through  their  territories  to  another  town.  The 
Lacedaemonians  had  kept  it,  although l  they  had  fined 
and  dismissed  the  general.  Among  the  exiles  who  were 
driven  from  their  country  was  Pelopidas.  At  Athens, 
whither  they  had  gone,  they  strove  to  crush  their  enemies 
and  free  the  state.  The  time  for  action  seemed  at2  last  to 
have  come.  From  the  city  (of)  Athens  Pelopidas  led  forth 
twelve  youths  with  their  hunting  dogs.  In  this  way  they 
came  to  the  house  of  their  confederate,3  (as)  darkness  (was) 
coming  on.  The  magistrates  of  Thebes  had  too  great 
confidence  in  their  power  and  were  feasting  in  the  city. 
They  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  investigate  when  they 
heard  that  the  exiles  were  in  the  city.  Serious  business  they 
put  off  till  the  morrow,  which  never  came ;  for  that  night 
Pelopidas  with  his  friends  slew  them  (as  they  lay)  intoxi- 
cated. Then  quickly  summoning  all  Thebans  from  the 
country,  Pelopidas  drove  the  Spartan  garrison  from  Thebes. 
Later,  he  was  slain  by  Alexander's  cavalry,  when  he  was 
bringing  aid  to  Thessaly. 

RELATIONS   OF  TIME  — BY   PHRASE    (100-103) 
AGESILAUS  I-IV 

217.  Xenophon  has  specially  praised  Agesilaus,  the 
Spartan  general,  who  made  war  on  Artaxerxes..  When  his 
brother,  King  Agis,  died,  Agesilaus  contested  the  kingship 
with  his  son.  For  Agis  throughout  his  life  had  declared 
that  Leotychides  was  not  his  son.  At  his  death,  however, 
he  recognized  him  (as)  his  (son).  At  this  time  Lysander,  who 
was  then  very  powerful,  voted  for  Agesilaus,  and  he  [who] 

1  142.  2  denique.  3  socius. 

LAT.  PROSE   COMP.  —  J 


98  NEPOS 

was  declared  king.  Within  a  short  time  he  heard  that 
the  Persians  were  preparing  fresh1  troops  to  send  against 
Greece.  He  thought  it  better  for  the  Greeks  to  send 
troops  to  Asia  immediately.  The  power  was  given  him 
a  few  days  later,  and  he  went  quickly  to  Asia,  where  he 
found  the  royal  satraps  unprepared.  One  of  them,  Tissa- 
phernes,  treacherously  obtained  a  three  months'  truce. 
During  this  time  he  was  preparing  for  war,  but  Agesilaus 
kept  to  his  agreement  throughout  the  truce.  After  the 
truce  Agesilaus  ravaged  the  country  of  Tissaphernes  until 
winter.  Then  he  withdrew  to  Ephesus.  The  next  year 
[year  which  followed]  he  declared  that  he  intended  to 
storm  Sardis.  This  Tissaphernes  did  not  believe,  and 
in  a  few  days  protected  the  other  sections  by  his  garri- 
sons. Agesilaus,  however,  actually2  moved  toward  Sardis, 
and,  after  gaining  much  booty,  was  planning  to  march 
against  the  king,  when  he  was  ordered  by  the  ephors  to 
return  home.  He  accomplished  this  march  in  thirty  days, 
and  defeated  the  Boeotians  and  Athenians  at  Coronea. 

RELATIONS  OF  TIME  — DATES  (104-106) 

AGESILAUS   V-VIII   [The  dates  are  fictitious] 

[Hereafter  date  each  exercise  according  to  the  Roman  method] 

218.  After 8  the  defeat  of  his  opponents  at  Coronea,  on 
August  I4th,  Agesilaus  led  his  army  to  Corinth.  Here 
he  waged  war  for  many  months  and  drove  his  enemies 
within  the  city.  Yet  he  desired  that  the  Persians  should 
suffer  punishment  rather  than  the  Greeks,  and  he  be- 
moaned the  death  of  so  many  Greeks.  On  October  /th 
he  refused  to  [said  he  would  not]  besiege  Corinth,  for  it  was 

i  novus.  2  vero.  3  108. 


EUMENES   I-IV  99 

not  fitting  to  destroy  one  of  the  noblest  cities  of  Greece. 
Meanwhile  the  Spartan  resources  were  shaken1  by  the 
battle  at  Leuctra  on  July  5th.  Agesilaus  had  not  been 
present  at  this  battle,  but  he  aided  the  Lacedaemonians 
with  his  counsel,  when  on  the  first  of  November  Epami- 
nondas  led  his  army  to  Sparta.  Shortly  after,  on  the  loth, 
some  young  Spartans  tried  to  desert  to  Epaminondas,  but 
Agesilaus,  who  had  detected  their  plans,  added  some  of  his 
own  companions  to  their  number,  and  in  this  way  saved 
all.  After  Thebes  had  become  the  head  of  Greece,  Agesi- 
laus aided  his  country  with  the  money  of  which  it  was-in- 
want.  All  the  gifts  bestowed  on  him  by  others  he  gave 
to  his  people.  When  he  was  returning  from  Tachus, 
to  whose  aid  [to  whom  as  aid]  he  had  been  sent,  he  fell 
sick,  and  died  on  December  22d. 

RELATIONS   OF  TIME  — BY  CLAUSE  (107-111) 
EUMENES   I-IV 

219.  When  the  Macedonians  were  powerful,  they  were 
vexed  that  a  foreigner  should  be  placed  over  them.  Yet 
while  Philip  was  king  Eumenes  of  Cardia  was  his  secre- 
tary. This  position  was  very  honorable,  because  the  sec- 
retary was  familiar  with  all  the  plans  of  the  king.  After 
Philip  had  been  slain,  and  Alexander  had  become  king 
[ruled],  Eumenes  held  the  same  position  with  him.  When 
Alexander  was  dying  at  Babylon,  he  assigned  Cappadocia 
to  Eumenes.  He  had  already  intrusted  to  Perdiccas  the 
guardianship  of  his  children  and  his  empire  [his  children 
and  empire  to  be  guarded].  This  (man)  immediately  won 
Eumenes  over  to  himself,  before  Crateros  and  Antipater 

i  Cf.  Epam.  VI. 


100  NEPOS 

could  persuade  him  to  join  them.  For  he  recognized  his 
fidelity  and  saw  how  useful  [for  how  great  use]  he  would 
be  to  him.  As  soon  as  the  death  of  Alexander  was 
known,  all  the  others  gathered  forces  to  crush  Perdiccas. 
The  latter  hastened  to  Egypt  against  Ptolemy,  while  Eu- 
menes  was  left  to  oppose  the  European  armies  until  he 
could  return  to  Asia.  Eumenes'  forces  were  untrained, 
and  thought  that  they  were  marching  against  barbarians. 
Before  his  troops  could  learn  that  their  opponents  were 
Macedonians,  Eumenes  engaged  in  battle  and  killed  Cra- 
teros  and  Neoptolemus.  The  rest  of  the  army,  after  asking 
peace  of  him,  obtained  it,  but  did  not  keep  their  pledge. 
Eumenes  remembered  his  friendship  for  Crateros  and  sent 
his  body  home  to  Macedonia. 

USE  AND   SEQUENCE  OF  TENSES   (112-114) 
EUMENES  V-VIII 

220.  Meanwhile,  after  Perdiccas  had  been  slain  by  Seleu- 
cus  in  Egypt,  Antipater  was  put  in  charge  of  affairs.  The 
Macedonians  condemned  Eumenes  to  death  together  with 
the  other  friends  of  Perdiccas.  Antigonus  pursued  him, 
but  he  extricated  himself  from  the  place  where  Antigonus 
had  surrounded  him  and  fled  to  Nora.  Here  he  was  be- 
sieged all  winter  by  Antigonus,  whose  works  he  kept  burn- 
ing and  destroying.  His  horses  were  exercised  every  day 
in  the  castle  by  (means  of)  a  device  (of)  his.  As  a  result 
they  were  sleek  when  he  led  them  forth  the  next  spring. 
While  he  was  pretending  to  treat  for  a  surrender,  he  es- 
caped with  all  his  men.  Olympias,  the  mother  of  Alexan- 
der, sought  his  advice  before  returning  to  Macedonia  from 
Epirus.  The  advice  that  he  gave  she  did  not  follow ;  but 


EUMENES  IX-XIIIy-     ;,    ;  ";\  l§t 

returning  she  began  to  prepare  large  forces  to  aid  him,  who 
alone  was  faithful  to  Alexander's  son.  Eumenes  was  put 
in  command  of  her  troops,  but  feared  the  envy  of  the 
Macedonians,  who  grudged1  having  a  foreigner  placed 
over  them  [that  a  foreigner  should  be  placed  over  them]. 
To  escape  this  envy  he  erected  at  his  headquarters  a  tent 
of  Alexander,  where  all  plans  were  formed.  Within  a  few 
months  he  compelled  Antigonus  to  retreat,  while  his  own 
phalanxes  forced  him  to  allow  them  to  pass  the  winter 
according  to  their  desires. 

EUMENES   IX-XIII 

221.  The  following  spring  Antigonus  attempted  to  pass 
through  a  desert  to  attack  Eumenes  before  his  soldiers  could 
assemble.  When  he  had  passed  over  half  the  distance,  Eu- 
menes learned  of  his  approach.  The  other  generals  were  in 
despair ;  but  Eumenes  sent  men  with  orders  [and  ordered 
them]  to  kindle  2  fires,  so  that  Antigonus  might  believe  that 
the  troops  had  been  gathered.  Because  of  this  Antigonus 
changed  his  line  of  march,  and  was  delayed  until  Eumenes 
had  assembled  his  army.  After  the  battle,  in  which  Eume- 
nes was  victorious,  he  was  betrayed  to  Antigonus  by  his 
own  soldiers  from  jealousy.  Although  Antigonus  desired 
to  save  him,  because  he  saw  how  useful  he  could  be  to  him, 
yet  the  generals  demanded  that  he  should  be  killed.  They 
envied  his  valor  and  felt  that  (with)  him  alive  they  were  not 
secure.  While  Antigonus  was  deliberating  (as  to)  what  he 
should  do,  the  army  began  to  revolt.  Then  Antigonus  de- 
clared that  he  would  not  kill  a  man  who  had  been  his  friend, 
but  removed  all  food  from  Eumenes.  Three  days  after, 

i  Sec.  I,  text.  2  126. 


162  NEPOS 

his  generals    strangled  Eumenes,  before  Antigonus,  who 
was  preparing  to  march,  could  forbid  it. 

CAUSE  (115-118) 
PHOCION 

222.  Phocion  is  better  known  for  his  integrity  than  for  his 
military  labors.     Because  of  his  poverty,  King  Philip  gave 
him  much  money,  for  he  hoped  in  this  way  to  win1  his  sup- 
port at  Athens.      But  as  Phocion  thought  his  little  field 
would  support  him  and  his  sons,  he  refused  the  money. 
He  also  said  that  he  was  unwilling  to  increase  the  luxuri- 
ous living  [luxury]  of  his  sons  by  accepting  so  much  money. 
Many  pitied  him  because  he  was  imprisoned  (when)  eighty 
years  old  ;  for  when  he  was  general,  together  with  Nicanor, 
Cassander's  prefect,  he  had  not  prevented  Nicanor  (from) 
seizing    the  Piraeus.       When   the  people  had  gained  the 
upper  hand,  they  banished  Phocion  and  Demetrius  of  Pha- 
lerum.     Phocion  fled  to  Philip,  where  he  was  accused  by 
the  Athenians  of  having  [that  he  had]  betrayed  the  Piraeus 
to  Nicanor.     Since  Philip  was  unwilling  to  offend  the  Athe- 
nians, he  sent  Phocion  to  Athens  to  be  tried  by  the  Athenian 
laws.    The  Athenians  were  so  incensed  because  of  the  sus- 
picion of  treachery  that  he  was  immediately  condemned  to 
death,  nor  was  an  opportunity  even  given  him  to  plead  his 
cause.     As  the  multitude  hated  him,  slaves  buried  him,  for 
no  free  man  dared  do  it. 

PURPOSE  — BY   PHRASE    (119-123) 
TIMOLEON 

223.  Timoleon  seems  to  have  existed  for  the  purpose  of 
freeing  his  fellow-citizens.     Not  only  was  he  unwilling  to 

1  concilia. 


TIMOLEON,  HAMILCAR  103 

have  any  part  [take  a  share]  in  the  sovereignty  that  his 
brother  had  seized  at  Corinth,  where  he  was  born,  but  he 
even  thought  it  better  to  have  his  brother  killed  than  (for) 
Corinth  to  lose  its  freedom.  It  is  a  proof  of  his  love  of  lib- 
erty that  when  he  had  driven  Dionysus  from  Syracuse,  and 
could  have  been  tyrant,  he  laid  down  his  command  and 
passed  the  rest  of  his  life  as  a  private  (citizen) ;  for  he  had 
come  to  aid  the  Syracusans  after  Dionysus,  on  the  death 
of  Dion,  had  regained  his  power.  Not  only  did  he  take 
care  to  free  Syracuse  from  tyrants,  but  he  drove  the  Carth- 
aginians from  Sicily.  As  many  cities  were  deserted  be- 
cause of  the  war,  he  summoned  fresh  [new]  colonists  from 
Corinth  and  Greece  to  restore  them.  When  by  these  means 
he  had  gained  peace  for  the  Syracusans,  he  laid  down  the 
power,  as  has  been  said,  to  preserve  liberty.  It  was  to  his 
advantage,  also,  to  do  this.  For  the  citizens  never  envied 
him  afterwards,  and  even  when  he  became  blind  permitted 
him  to  be  drawn  to  the  council  by  his  own  mules  and  to 
speak  from  his  wagon.  After  his  death  the  gymnasium 
where  he  was  buried  was  called  Timoleonteum. 

PURPOSE— BY  CLAUSE   (124-128) 
HAMILCAR 

224.  When  the  first  Punic  war  was  almost  ended,  Hamil- 
car,  (while)  a  young  man,  was  sent  to  Sicily  to  command  the 
army.  The  Carthaginians  were  losing  all  the  island,  but 
wherever  he  was  present  they  were  victorious.  To  con- 
quer the  Romans  the  more  quickly,  he  never  let  slip  [lost] 
an  opportunity  for  [of]  fighting.  After  the  Carthaginians 
had  become  exhausted  by  the  expenses  of  the  struggle,  they 
ordered  Hamilcar,  who  was  defending  Eryx,  to  end  the  war 
and  return  home  to  Carthage.  The  Roman  leader,  Catulus, 


104  NEPOS 

however,  demanded  that  Hamilcar  should  hot  leave  Eryx 
without1  surrendering  his  arms.  This  Hamilcar  refused  to 
do,  and  at  last  the  Romans  had  to  yield  to  his  stubbornness. 
On  his  return  to  Carthage,  he  learned  that  it  was  in  great 
danger  because  of  the  mercenaries  it  had  used  in  this  war. 
Carthage,  indeed,  did  not  hesitate  to  ask  help  from  its 
enemy  Rome.  Finally  it  sought  aid  of  Hamilcar,  who 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  army.  He  soon  drove  the 
mercenaries  away  from  the  city  and  restored  all  Africa  to 
the  power  of  Carthage.  Then,  for  the  purpose  of  renewing 
the  war  with  Rome,  he  crossed  into  Spain,  where  he  gained 
great  booty.  When  he  was  on2  the  point  of  carrying  the 
war  into  Italy,  he  was  slain,  and  his  son-in-law  Hasdrubal 
received  the  command.  In  a  short  time,  on  Hasdrubal's 
death,  Hamilcar's  son  Hannibal  became  leader  of  the  army. 

RESULT  (129-133) 
HANNIBAL   I-IV 

225.  Hannibal  surpassed  all  other  commanders,  and  so 
in  his  battles  in  Italy  he  always  came  off  victor.  But  he 
was  weakened  by  jealousy  at  Carthage.  His  hatred  of  the 
Romans  was  indeed  so  great  that  he  never  stopped  plan- 
ning war  [warring  in  his  mind]  against  Rome.  Through 
his  influence,  not  only  was  Philip,  King  of  Macedon,  made 
an  enemy  of  Rome,  but  even  King  Antiochus,  whose 
kingdom  was  near  the  Red  Sea,  made  war  upon  Italy. 
When  the  Romans  learned  of  the  latter's  plans,  they  tried 
to  make  Hannibal  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  king  [bring 
Hannibal  under  the  king's  suspicion].  This  they  did  not 
do  in  vain ;  for  the  king  did  not  doubt  [it  was  not  doubtful 

1  nisi  with  Ablative  Absolute.  2  Cf.  Milt.  VII. 


HANNIBAL  V-VIII  IO5 

to  the  king]  that  Hannibal  had  been  corrupted  by  them,  un- 
til he  told-him-the-story-of  his  hatred  of  the  Romans.  For 
his  father  Hamilcar  had  so  cherished  [kept]  his  hatred  of 
Rome  and  the  Romans  that  he  did  not  take  Hannibal  with 
him  to  Spain  until  he  had  sworn  never  to  be  a  friend  of 
the  Romans.  When  the  king  had  learned  this,  he  made 
Hannibal  a  leader  in  the  war. 

When  Hannibal's  father  died  in  Spain,  he  was  placed  in 
command  of  the  cavalry.  After  subduing  many  nations  and 
capturing  Saguntum,  he  prepared,  when  twenty-eight  years 
old,  sufficient  [of]  forces  to  hold  Spain  and  Africa  and  to  in- 
vade Italy.  Leading  his  army  into  Italy  by  the  Grecian  pass, 
he  subdued  every  tribe  that  attempted  to  prevent  his  reach- 
ing Latium.  In  Italy  he  defeated  all  the  Roman  armies. 

CONDITIONS  — SIMPLE   STATEMENT  (134-137) 
HANNIBAL  V-VIII 

226.  As  no  one  opposed  Hannibal  after  the  battle  at  Can- 
nae, he  remained  near  Rome  several  days  before  returning  to 
Capua.  When  he  was  departing  for  Capua,  Quintus  Fabius 
Maximus,  who  had  been  elected  dictator,  shut  him  up  in  the 
narrow  passes.  "  If  Hannibal  now  tries  to  free  his  army," 
thought  Fabius,  "  I  shall  put  him  to  flight."  But  Hannibal 
shrewdly  bound  lighted  fagots  to  the  horns  of  cattle  and 
by  night  spread  terror  in  the  Roman  army  at  the  sight. 
By  this  trick  he  was  enabled  to  lead  his  army  back  to  Capua 
without  loss.  If  all  his  battles  in  Italy  are  counted,  it  can 
easily  be  seen  that  he  was  a  great  general,  for  in  all  these 
he  came  off  victorious.  If  the  question  is  asked  why  then 
he  did  not  conquer  Rome,  the  answer-must-be-given  that 
the  Carthaginians  did  not  show  the  same  earnestness  as  he. 


106  NEPOS 

They  had  not  defended  Spain,  and  young  Scipio,  having 
conquered  that  country,  marched  to  Carthage.  Hannibal 
was  hastily  called  home  from  Italy.  (Though)  conquered 
at  Zama,  yet  within  a  few  days^he  was  holding  new  levies. 
But  in  the  meantime  his  country  made  peace  with  the  Ro- 
mans. Some  time  later  the  Romans  demanded  Hannibal  of 
the  Carthaginians.  Hearing  of  this,  Hannibal  escaped  to 
King  Antiochus,  whom  he  soon  induced  to  war  with  Rome. 
"  If  Antiochus  follows  [obeys]  my  suggestions,  he  will  be 
victorious,"  thought  Hannibal.  But  the  king  was  afraid  to 
wage  war  in  Hannibal's  way  and  so  was  routed. 

CONDITIONS  — POSSIBLE  AND   CONTRARY  TO   FACT   (138-141) 
HANNIBAL   IX-XIII 

227.  When  Hannibal  reached  Crete  after  the  defeat  of 
Antiochus,  he  feared  the  avarice  of  the  Cretans.  For  if  they 
should  learn  that  he  had  a  large  sum  of  money  with  him 
they  would  kill  him.  Accordingly  he  deceived  them  by  a 
shrewd  trick  [plan]  and  escaped  with  his  property  [things] 
to  King  Prusias  of  Pontus.  Here  he  might  have  remained 
free  from  [without]  danger,  had  he  not  aroused  the  king 
against  the  Romans.  First  he  tried-to-win-over  other  war- 
like nations  to  his  plan.  If  he  could  crush  Eumenes,  King 
of  Pergamos,  who  was  a  strong-friend  of  the  Romans,  the 
other  (measures)  would  be  easy.  When  accordingly  he 
was  about  to  fight  a  naval  battle  [fight  with  the  fleet],  he 
showed  his  men  where  Eumenes  was  and  ordered  them  to 
attack  his  ship  in-a-body.1  Indeed,  they  would  have  over- 
come Eumenes,  if  he  had  not  sought  safety  in  flight.  The 
rest  of  the  fleet,  however,  could  have  conquered  Hannibal 


1  universus. 


CATO  ID/ 

if  they  had  not  been  frightened.  For  Hannibal's  sailors 
threw  on  board  jars  in  which  they  had  put  poisonous 
serpents.  On  seeing  these,  the  enemy  fled  to  land.  After 
this  victory  Hannibal  happened  to  be  mentioned  at  Rome 
by  the  ambassadors  of  Prusias.  The  Romans  thought :  "If 
Prusias  keeps  Hannibal  with  him,  we  shall  never  be  free 
from  plots."  Accordingly  they  demanded  his  surrender 
[that  he  should  be  given  them].  Prusias  did  not  do  this, 
but  the  Romans  surrounded  Hannibal's  house  to  seize  him. 
On  learning  this,  Hannibal  took  poison.  For  if  he  had  not 
done  so,  his  most  bitter  enemies  would  have  killed  him. 

CONCESSION   AND   PROVISO  (142-145) 

4 

CATO 

228.  Although  Nepos  wrote  about  many  Romans,  the 
lives  of  two  only,  Cato  and  Atticus,  have  been  left  to  us. 
(When)  a  young  man,  the  former  did  not  give  attention  to 
public-office,  but  was  busy  far  from  Rome.  Marcus  Per- 
penna,  the  ex-censor,  tells  us  that,  although  he  had  an  inher- 
itance in  the  territory  of  the  Sabines,  he  later  frequented  the 
Forum,  at  the  suggestion  of  Lucius  Valerius  Flaccus.  Even 
if  this  is  not  true,  we  know  that  he  came  to  Rome  and  held 
many  public-offices.  Although  he  was  made  consul  and  had 
won  a  triumph,  yet  as  censor  he  has  left  the  greatest  fame 
[name].  For  he  attempted  to  check  the  luxury  of  the  Roman 
people,  which  was  beginning  to  be  a  danger  to  the  state.  To 
show  his  remarkable  industry,  Nepos  states  that  he  was 
a  skillful  farmer,  a  great  general,  and  a  pleasing  orator. 
Even  when  eighty  years  old  he  devoted  himself  to  literature. 
Indeed,  even  if  he  had  been  younger,  he  could  hardly  have 
been  more  eager  in  its  pursuit.  He  also  wrote  a  history 


108  NEPOS 

of  the  deeds  of  the  Roman  people,  in  which  everything 
(that  was)  worthy  of  admiration  was  set  forth.  He  told 
how  the  Romans  waged  war  with  the  Carthaginians  and 
other  nations,  but  in  his  work  the  leaders  of  these  wars 
were  not  named.  Do  you  remember  the  famous  saying  of 
Cato  in  regard  to  Carthage  ? 

INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  — DECLARATIVE  SENTENCES  (146-150) 
ATTICUS  I-V 

229.    Write  in  indirect  discourse. 

I.  Depending  on  Nepos  scrlpsit :  Titus  Pomponius  Atti- 
cus  was  of  the  equestrian  order  and  had  inherited  this  dig- 
nity from  remote  Ancestors  without-a-break.     His  father, 
who  was  not  only  rich  for  the  times,  but  especially  de- 
voted to  literature,  educated  his  son  in  all  the  arts,  and 
the  boy  displayed  [there  was  in  the  boy]  so  great  aptitude 
for  his  work  that  his  high-spirited  mates  could  not  endure 
it  calmly,  but  were  stimulated  by  his  zeal.     When  he  was 
still  a  young  man,  his  father  passed  away.     To  avoid  of- 
fending the  followers  of  Cinna  or  of  Sulla,  he  withdrew  to 
Athens  on  the  death  of  Sulpicius.    As  he  carried  his  prop- 
erty with  him  he  suffered  no  loss  of  his  estate  and  was  able 
to  aid  the  Athenians,  whenever  they  wished  to  borrow. 

II.  Depending  on  Nepos  scrlbit :  Although  Atticus  would 
never  accept  interest  from  the  Athenians,  he  never  allowed 
the  debt  to  become  overdue  [to  be  owed  longer  than  was 
agreed].     When  he  was  away  from  Athens  and  could  not 
prevent  it,  the  Athenians  erected  statues  to  his  honor  [to 
him].     Even  Sulla  was  captivated  by  his  culture  and  learn- 
ing, and  tried  to  bring  him  back  to  Rome.     But  he  would 
not  bear  arms  against  his  friends  and  preferred  to  remain 


ATTICUS   VI-X  109 

at  Athens.  When  Cicero  was  banished,  he  showed  his 
fidelity  to  him.  On  returning  to  Rome,  he  won  the  good- 
will of  a  churlish  uncle,  who  at  his  death  [dying]  made 
Atticus  his  heir. 

INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  — CONDITIONAL  SENTENCES  (151-152) 
ATTICUS  VI-X 

230.    Write  in  indirect  discourse. 

I.  Depending  on  Nepos   scrlbit :    Atticus   belonged   to 
the  party  of  the  Optimates,  but  did  not  engage  in  their 
civil  dissensions.     If  he  had  sought  honors  from  Sulla,  he 
would  have  received  them,  but  he  preferred  to  avoid  all 
suspicion.     For  this  would  be  troublesome  to  him,  if  he 
should  wish  to  aid  his  friends  during  the  civil  wars.     He 
was  sixty  years  old  when  the  civil  war  with-Caesar  broke 
out,  and  although  the  other  Optimates  left  Rome,  when 
Pompey  ordered  them  to  repair  to  his  camp,  Atticus  re- 
mained without  (incurring)  his  displeasure.     If  his  friends 
at  that  time  wanted  money,  he  gave  it  to  them;  nor  did 
Caesar  take  offense  at  this  [did  this  offend  Caesar]. 

II.  Depending  on  Nepos  scrlbebat :    On  the   death   of 
Caesar,  when  some  of  the  equestrian  order  wished  Atticus 
to  contribute  money  to  the  slayers  of  Caesar,  he  replied 
\_pnt  the  following  also  in  indirect  discourse  after  replied]  : 
'  Brutus  may  use  whatever  of  my  means  he  wishes,  but  I 
will  not  unite  with  others  in  this  matter.'     Later,  when 
Brutus  withdrew  from   Italy,  Atticus   sent  him  (a)  large 
(sum    of)   money.      Yet  when  Antony  was    declared    an 
enemy  by  the  senate,  Atticus  prevented  the  Romans  from 
despoiling   Fulvia   and   her  children  of    everything.      He 
lent  her  money  without  interest,  although  no  one  at  that 
time  thought  that  Antony  would  return  to  Italy. 


1 10  NEPOS 

INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  — QUESTIONS  AND  COMMANDS  (153-155) 
ATTICUS  XI-XV 

231.    Write  in  indirect  discourse. 

I.  Depending  on  Nepos   scripsit :    Who1  at   that  time 
thought   that  Antony  would    return  victorious   to    Italy? 
Yet  he  did  return  and  remembered  the  kindness  of  Atti- 
cus,  who  with  the  others  had  feared  proscription.     For  he 
sent  him  (Atticus)  a  guard  to  bring  him  without  danger  to 
himself.      Do  not  think  Atticus  did  not  assist  the   pro- 
scribed, when  every  one  [the  common-people]  was  search- 
ing for  them.    Even  after  Brutus  had  been  slain  at  Philippi, 
Atticus  protected  a's  many  as  he  could.     How  could  one 
think  his  liberality  time-serving !     He  assisted  the  unfor- 
tunate and  preferred  to  forget  rather  than  to  avenge  an 
injury.     What  can  be  more  noble  than  this  ? 

II.  Depending   on    Nepos    scribit:    With    all   Atticus' 
wealth    his   house   was   more   tasty  than   expensive ;    his 
household  was  composed  of  well-educated  slaves  [boys], 
readers,  and  scribes.    Each  one  had  been  born  and  trained 
in   the   house   [at  home].      Nepos    could  tell  how  much 
Atticus  [he]  entered  as  expended  each  month,  for  he  had 
seen  his  expense-books.     Why  did  he  have  an  educated 
household?     He  wished  to  please  the  mind  no  less  than 
the  palate  [stomach]  at  his  feasts.     He  would  neither  tell 
nor  endure  a  lie.     In  transacting  [undertaking]  business 
he  believed  that  he  should  keep  his  promise.     He  never 
wearied  of  managing  the  business  of  others.     Indeed,  the 
affairs  of  many  Roman  knights  were  looked  after  by  him. 

i  Cf.  sec.  IX,  end. 


ATTICUS   XVI-XXII  III 

INFORMAL  INDIRECT  DISCOURSE  AND   ATTRACTION   (156-157) 
ATTICUS   XVI-XXII 

232.  Atticus  was  a  favorite  with  [pleasing  to]  both  old 
and  young.  He  lived  on-intimate-terms  with  Cicero  and 
Hortensius.  He  was  especially  beloved  by  Cicero,  who  sent 
him  letters  from  (the  time  of)  his  consulship  to  the  very  end 
of  his  life.  These  were  published  and  have  been  handed 
down1  to  us.  It  is  thought  that  they  fully  describe  the 
changes  in  the  state  during  that  period.  Atticus  boasted 
that  he  had  always  regarded  his  sister  as  his  equal  and 
that  no  (cause  for)  complaint  had  ever  come  between  them. 
Why  should  one  mention  that  he  was  fond  of  ancient  his- 
tory [antiquity]  ?  For  he  had  described  in  his  books  the 
laws  and  wars  of  Rome,  and  even  edited  the  genealogy  of 
illustrious  families.  He  wrote  many  other  books,  both  in 
Greek  and  in  Latin.  After  Octavius  became  Imperator, 
Atticus  obtained  from  him  what  fortune  had  not  granted 
to  any  Roman  before.  For  it  is  said  that  Caesar  pledged 
his  stepson  to  the  granddaughter  of  Atticus.  Whenever 
Caesar  wrote  to  his  friends  at  Rome  in-his-absence,  he 
always  informed  Atticus  what  he  was  reading  and  doing. 
(When  he  was)  seventy-seven  years  old  [born]  he  had  a 
disease,  which  the  physicians  at  the  outset  thought  of 
little  consequence  [despised].  Three  or  four  months  later, 
when  the  pain  became  more  severe  [increased],  he  deter- 
mined to  abstain  from  food ;  for  he  had  noticed  that  this 
did  not  nourish  him  and  only  increased  his  sufferings. 
Within  a  few  days  he  died  and  was  buried  in  the  tomb  of 
Quintus  Caecilius,  near  the  Appian  Way. 

1  trddo. 


EXERCISES  —  CICERO 


Words  connected  by  hyphens  are  to  be  translated  by  a  single  word,  e.g.  fail- 
in-its-duty.  Words  in  round  brackets  are  to  be  omitted  in  translation. 
Square  brackets  indicate  the  Latin  rendering.  Figures  in  heavy  type  refer 
to  the  sections  of  the  Introduction.  Date  each  exercise  according  to  the 
Roman  method.  —  See  Caution,  p.  53. 

COMMANDS   AND   EXHORTATIONS    (158-160) 
CAT.   I,   1-3 

233.  Catiline,  do  not  abuse  our  patience.  Dare  you 
come  into  the  Senate !  Let  the  guard  of  the  Palatine, 
the  assembling  of  all  good  citizens  induce  you  to  lay 
aside  your  mad  purpose  [madness].  Know  that  your  con- 
spiracy is  exposed.  Depart,  therefore,  from  the  Senate, 
from  the  city.  Long  ago  I  ought  to  have  crushed  you 
because  of  your  bold  deeds  [boldness].  On  mere  sus- 
picion of  sedition  our  ancestors  have  often  put  dangerous 
citizens  to  death.  Go  forth,  then,  from  Rome,  if  you 
would  escape  such  a  fate  [fortune].  Or  else1  change 
your  purpose.  No  longer  plan  to  destroy  the  city  (while) 
within  its  walls.  The  Senate  will  not  fail-in-its-duty  to  the 
state  if  you  remain  in  the  city  and  plot  its  ruin.  We  have 
long  been  too  merciful,  Conscript  Fathers,  but  let  us  allow 
this  enemy  to  depart.  If  he  does2  not,  but,  remaining, 
strives  to  destroy  this  city,  and  to  slay  each  one  of  us,  let 
not  his  punishment  then  keep  him  waiting  a  day.  Nor 
ought  you  to  fear,  for  even  if  he  gives  up  his  plans  and 
remains  with  us,  yet  my  guards  shall  watch  him  as  hitherto, 
and  he  can  no  longer  plot  against  the  city  within  the  city. 

1  aliter.  2  Cf.  137. 


CATILINE  I,  4-8  113 

WISHES    (161-162) 
CAT.   I,  4-6 

234.  Catiline,  would  that  you  had  gone  into  exile,  rather 
than  to  Marcus  Laeca's  house  that  night !     For  there  were 
assembled  your  companions  in  this  wicked  folly.     There, 
after  planning  the  destruction  of  Rome,  you  decided  to  go 
to  the  camp  of  Manlius,  that  bold  leader  of  your  desperate l 
band.    Yet  you  wished  to  kill  me  before  your  departure,  and 
soon  found  those  who  agreed  to  slay  me  in  my  bed.      But 
my  house  was  fortified  with  stronger  guards.     I  shut  out 
the  knights  who  had  promised  to  free  you  from  your  care. 
Now  depart  from  the  city.     O  that  you  were  already  on 
your  way !     May  you  take  with  you  all  your  accomplices 
in  this  crime !     You  cannot  remain  longer  within  this  city 
to  plot  against  the  state.     All  your  plans  up  to  this  time 
I  have  thwarted.      Now  all  the  senators,  whom  you  see 
assembled,  all  citizens,  whose  safety  is  imperiled,  know  of 
your  conspiracy.     Go  forth,  then,  into  exile,  if  you  wish, 
for  every  man  in  this  city  both  fears  and  hates  you.     May 
you  change  your  purpose,  forget  fire  and  sword,  and  trust 
no  longer  to  crime  and  madness.    Then  at  length  the  state 
will  be  freed  from  fear. 

POTENTIAL  SUBJUNCTIVE   (163-165) 
CAT.  I,  7-8 

235.  Cicero  may  have  been  moved  by  hatred  when  he 
banished  Catiline,  but  he  said  that  he  was  influenced  by 
pity  only.    When  Catiline  boldly  entered  the  Senate,  which 
had  been  called  to  pass-judgment  on  his  conspiracy,  Cicero 
told  him  that  he  ought  to  know  what  the  senators  thought 

1  perditus. 

LAT.  PROSE   COMP.  —  8 


114  CICERO 

of  him  and  his  impious  plots.  They  would  not  salute  him 
when  he  entered  the  senate  house  —  nay,  more,  they  left 
vacant  even  the  bench  on  which  he  sat.  Most  men  would 
prefer  to  avoid  such  an  affront,  but  Catiline  would  not  with- 
draw from  their  sight.  His  country  had  already  suffered 
much  through  him.  He  had  injured  and  plundered  her 
allies,  he  had  murdered  her  citizens,  violated  her  laws. 
Would  she  now  suffer  herself  to  be  continually  in  fear 
on  his  account  ?  The  consul  urged  him  to  depart  from 
the  city,  but  he  said  l  he  would  not l  go  unless  the  Senate 
should  so  [it]  order.  The  consul,  however,  would  not  refer 
(the  question)  to  the  Senate.  "  Catiline  might  see,"  said2 
he,  "  from  the  silence  of  the  senators,  when  the  consul 
ordered  him  to  go  into  exile,  what  would  be-their-pleasure."3 
Yet  Catiline,  long  desirous  of  laying  waste  the  city,  could 
not  then  be  influenced  to  do  this. 

CAT.  I,  9-10 

236.  Why  should  Cicero  have  thought  that  Catiline  would 
reform?  He  had  always  been  a  man  whom  neither  fear 
nor  reason  could  keep  from  disgraceful-deeds.  If  he  had 
gone  into  exile,  he  would  have  done  so,  not  because  he 
yielded  to  the  necessities  of  the  state,  but  that  he  might 
bring  an  impious  war  on  his  fatherland.  Cicero  knew 
that  he  had  already  sent  to  the  camp  of  Manlius  at  [to] 
Faesulae  that  silver  eagle  which  the  army  of  Marius 
was  said  to  have  borne.  What  could  he  mean  [wish]  by 
this  but  [unless]  war  ?  When  he  had  gathered  his  force 
of  abandoned  (creatures),  he  saw  in  it  not-a-single  good 
man.  The  habits  of  his  whole  life  had  well  trained  him 

1  nego.  2  inquit.  3  placet. 


CATILINE   I,  11-13  115 

to  be  commander  of  such  an  army.  Cicero  knew  all  this, 
but  thought  that  if  he  could  drive  Catiline  [him]  into  exile, 
just  as  he  had  before  this  defeated  him  for  [repelled  him 
from]  the  consulship,  his  undertakings  would  be  regarded 
as  brigandage,  not  war.  "  May  he  separate  himself  from 
the  conspirators  in-the-city,  or,  rather,  let  him  take  them 
with  him!  Then  it  will  be  ^easier  for  me  to  save  the 
state,"  thought  Cicero.  Cicero  did,  indeed,  drive  him 
from  the  city,  but  later  had  to  endure  such  a  storm  of 
unpopularity  that  he  himself  went  into  exile. 

CAT.    I,   11-13 

237.  Why  did  Cicero  allow  a  man  who  had  already  been 
discovered  (to  be)  an  enemy  to  leave  the  city  unharmed  ? l 
If  the  custom  or  laws  of  his  Roman  ancestors  ought  to  be 
heeded,2  Catiline  should  have  been  thrown  into  prison,  not 
let  loose  against  the  city.  Many  men  at  Rome  had  these 
same  views,  and  Cicero  thought  it  necessary  to  answer 
them.  He  remembered  that  many  men  had  won-honor,  in 
previous  times,  by  putting  to  death  the  enemies  of  the  state. 
Consequently  he  did  not  fear  that  he  would  defile  himself, 
or  that  any  odium  would  threaten  him  because  of  this. 
But  he  had  noticed  that  many,  even  among  the  senators, 
could  not  understand  in  what  danger  the  state  was,  and 
had  strengthened  Catiline's  conspiracy  by  their  weak  views. 
If  he  had  done  what  he  thought  ought  to  be  done,  these 
men  would  say  that  he  was  acting  tyrannically,  and  the 
conspiracy  could  not  be  crushed  forever.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, Cicero  judged  it  better  to  let  Catiline  go  forth. 
He  hoped,  also,  that  Catiline  would  take  with  him  to  Man- 

1  incolumis.  2  pared. 


1 1 6  CICERO 

lius'  camp  all  the  rascals  of-the-city.  If  he  should  do  this, 
and  at  last  a  wall  should  separate  these  from  all  good  citi- 
zens, each  man  would  know,  without  (chance  for)  doubt, 
that  Catiline  was  the  head  of  tl}e  conspiracy,  and  the  con- 
sul could  more  easily  defend  the  altars  of  the  gods  and  the 
homes  of  men  from  this  impious  alliance  of  crime. 

CAT.   II,    1-4 

238.  On  the  following  day,  Cicero  told  the  Roman  citi- 
zens how  Catiline,  who  had  plotted  the  burning  of  the  city, 
had  been  driven  forth.  For  Catiline  had  departed,  for  Mas- 
silia  as  he  said,  but  really  for  the  camp  of  Manlius.  No 
longer  would  the  Romans  have  to  fear  his  plots  within  the 
defenses  (of  the  city).  Already  many,  who  a  little-while 
before  did  not  believe  that  Catiline  was  to  be  feared,  were 
blaming  Cicero  because  he  had  not  put  him  to  death. 
How  gladly1  would  Cicero  have  punished  him  according  to 
his  deserts !  But  he  had  seen  that,  if  he  should  [do  this], 
he  would  be  unable,  because  of  the  hatred  of  the  people,  to 
overpower  his  associates.^  For,  although  Catiline  had  led 
forth  many  men,  yet  he  had  left  more  in  the  city  —  men  of 
noble  birth,  but  heavily  in  debt,  who  could  even  then  be 
seen  flitting  about  the  Forum.  These  were  the  men,  Cicero 
thought,  who  should  be  feared,  rather  than  that  army  of 
rascals  and  bankrupts  who  had  followed  Catiline.  Yet 
Cicero  might  now  despise  them  in-comparison-with  the 
splendid  forces  of  Rome ;  for  he  had  shown  clearly  that  a 
conspiracy  had  been  made  against  the  state.  He  even 
permitted  those  like  Catiline  to  leave  the  city,  if  they 
wished.  In  this  way  he  hoped  to  relieve  the  state  of  pois- 
oners and  parricides,  infamous  women  and  abandoned  men. 

1  libenter. 


CATILINE   II,   5-10  1 1/ 

CAT.    II,   5-7 

239.  Happy  would  Cicero  be,  could  he  but  remove  from 
the  city  these  intimates  of  Catiline,  who  are  wasting  the 
means   of  industry  in  licentious-living !     If   their  desires 
were  but  moderate,  they  would  not  have  had  to  mortgage 
their  fortunes.     Not  only  had  they  done  this,  but  at  their 
feasts  they  had  planned  murders  and  the  destruction  of  the 
commonwealth.     Cicero  hoped  that  by  their  removal  his 
consulship  would  free  the  state  from  danger  and  add  many 
years  [ages]  to  the  republic ;  for  every  foreign  nation  had 
been  subdued  by  Gnaeus    Pompey,   but  within  (her  pre- 
cincts) the  state  had  to  contend  with  the  wickedness  of  her 
own  citizens.    If  these  men  could  be  restored  (to  good  con- 
duct), Cicero  would  use  every  means  to  accomplish  it.  When 
some  said  that  Cicero  had  driven  Catiline,  an  obedient  citizen, 
into  banishment,  Cicero  showed  how  the  latter  had  plotted 
to  kill  him ;  how  every  senator  had  left  vacant  the  bench 
in  the  Curia,  when  Catiline  approached ;  how  Catiline  had 
already  sent  to  Manlius  the  well-known  silver  eagle.     If 
Catiline  should  not  now  go  to  Manlius,  but  should  become- 
terrified  and  depart  into  exile,  Cicero  would  gladly  endure 
the  storm  of  unjust  odium,  provided  he  could  save  the 
state.      However,  he  knew  that  Catiline  did  not  intend-to- 
go ;   that  those  who  kept  saying  this  feared  it  rather  than 
complained  of  it. 

CAT.  II,  8-10 

240.  Cicero  no  longer  feared  for  the  state,  since  Catiline 
no  longer  remained  at  Rome.    There  were,  however,  many 
in  the  city  who  had  been  associated  with  [associates  of] 
Catiline.    To  these  [whom]  he  must  now  turn  his  attention. 
They  were  (composed)  of  many  classes  of  men,  and  to  each 


Il8  CICERO 

of  them  Cicero  offered  his  advice.  The  most  respectable 
class  was  still  rich,  but  they  had  been  unwilling  to  add  to 
their  credit  by  paying  their  debts.  If  this  class  expected 
to  keep  [use]  their  property  safe^in  the  common  ruin,  they 
were  mistaken.  Such  men  were  little  to  be  feared  and 
would  rather  utter  threats  than  bear  arms  against  the  state. 
Another  class  was  of  such  as  expected  to  gain  power  in 
the  disturbance  of  the  [in  the  disturbed]  republic.  To 
these  the  warning  must  be  given  that  all  good  citizens 
would  bring  aid  to  their  country.  A  third  class  remem- 
bered the  times  of  Sulla  and  hoped  for  new  proscriptions ; 
for  already  they  had  squandered  their  money  in  expensive- 
luxuries.  All  the  other  classes  were  (composed)  of  debtors 
and  criminals.  It  would,  indeed,  be  a  good  (thing)  for 
Rome  if  these  men  should  go  out  into  open  brigandage ; 
for  they  would  become  a  nursery  of  Catilines  unless  they 
should  go  where  they  might  be  recognized  as  enemies. 
They  were  such  bosom-friends  of  Catiline  that  he  could  not 
live  without  them. 

CAT.    II,    11-13 

241.  When  one  contrasts  the  men  who  are  to  form  Cati- 
line's bodyguard  with  the  Roman  troops,  how  can  he  fear 
the  war  !  Already  exhausted  by  want  of  everything,  Cati- 
line will  see  arrayed  against  him  the  flower  and  strength  of 
all  Italy.  Nay,  on  the  one  side  are  all  the  virtues,  on  the 
other,  all  the  vices.  So  even  if  men  should  be  lacking  in 
zeal,  the  very  gods  would  oppose  Catiline.  Besides  this, 
Cicero  has-taken-precautions  to  have  a  sufficient  guard  in 
the  city  and  to  notify  the  towns  of  Italy  of  Catiline's  raid. 
Everything  is  ready  to  crush  this  man,  or  to  check  all  his 
attempts.  Again  and  again  has  Cicero  even  urged  the 


CATILINE   III,    1-3  119 

followers  of  Catiline,  who  have  dared  to  remain  in  the  city, 
to  depart.  If  they  do  not  do  this  [which],  but  think  the 
consul  will  be  remiss,  they  will  find  out  [perceive]  that 
the  prison  is  still  an  avenger  of  impious  crimes.  Cicero, 
indeed,  intended  so  to  act  that  the  evil  only  should  suffer 
punishment,  and  the  state  be  undisturbed  by  any  rioting. 
Although  he  desired  to  act  in  this  way,  and  hoped  to 
accomplish  it  by  his  (personal)  efforts,  yet  he  told  the 
Roman  citizens  that  he  had  undertaken  this  task,  relying 
on  the  aid  of  the  immortal  gods  alone. 

CAT.  ill,  1-3 

242.  What  a  glorious  empire  and  what  a  beautiful  city 
had  the  gods  saved  from  fire  and  sword !  Surely  Cicero 
ought  to  have  been  (held)  in  honor  by  the  Roman  people, 
since  they  [who]  had  been  torn  from  the  jaws  of  fate  by 
his  efforts  and  plans.  When  the  conspirators  had  almost 
set  fire  to  [placed  fires  beneath]  the  temples  of  the  gods, 
he  had  extinguished  the  flames.  Although  Cicero  had 
already  disclosed  the  whole  plot  [all  things]  in  the  Senate, 
he  thought  that  he  ought  to  set  forth  briefly  to  the  people 
how  it  had  been  found  out  by  him.  "  You  know,"  said  he, 
"  when  Catiline  was  banished  from  the  city,  how  little  you 
believed  my  words.  How  much  I  had  then  to  fear,  if  he 
had  not  gone  to  Manlius !  His  associates  in  wickedness 
who  had  remained  in  the  city  were  still  plotting.  I  per- 
ceived that  you  must  with  your  own  eyes  see  the  mischief 
before  you  would  provide  for  your  own  safety.  So  the 
conspirators  were  watched,1  and  when  they  tried  to  bribe 
the  legates  of  the  Allobroges,  who  had  come  to  the 
Senate,  the  opportunity  was  presented  to  me  for  arresting 

1  custodio. 


120  CICERO 

all  (of)  them.  As  the  Allobroges,  with  letters  to  their 
people,  were  leaving  the  city,  the  praetors  seized  l  them 
near  the  Mulvian  bridge  and  brought l  them  to  me.  Al- 
though many  [and]  noble  men  thought  that  I  should  open 
the  letters,  I  refused  to  do  so,  and  immediately  called  the 
Senate  together." 

CAT.    Ill,   4-6 

243.  Write  in  indirect  discourse,  depending  on  Cicero 
dixit : 

First  Volturcius  was  led  in  and  told  the  Senate  that 
Lentulus  had  given  him  letters  urging2  Catiline  to  join 
forces  with  the  leaders  in  the  city  as  soon  as  possible. 
For  they  intended  to  set  fire  to  the  buildings  and  to 
slaughter  [make  a  slaughter  of]  the  citizens,  as  soon  as 
he  should  draw  near  the  city.  Then  I  brought  in  the 
Gauls,  who  declared  that  they  had  been  urged  to  carry  the 
letters  to  their  people  and  to  make  war  on  Italy.  Besides, 
Lentulus  had  assured  them  that  the  rule  of  the  city  must 
come  to  him,  for  he  was  the  third  Cornelius,  and  the  sooth- 
sayers had  said  that  the  downfall  of  the  government  would 
occur  at  the  feast-of-the-Saturnalia.  After  this  the  letters 
were  shown  to  the  conspirators.  Each  one  could  recog- 
nize his  own  seal  and  handwriting ;  and,  although  at  first 
they  denied  the  charges  of  the  Gauls  [what  the  Gauls 
charged  against  them],  finally  they  confessed  all.  If  they 
had  not  convicted  themselves  by  their  own  confessions, 
they  could  have3  denied  everything.  What  did  the  Senate 
decide  to  do  ?  Without  any  amendment  it  voted  to  thank 
me  for  my  services  in  freeing  the  state,  and  to  put  Cethe- 
gus  and  the  others  except 4  Volturcius  under  arrest.  It 

1  Condense  this  sentence.  3  141,  N. 

2  Omit,  but  show  by  construction  in  the  following  clause.  4  praeter. 


CATILINE   III,   8-9  121 

was  thought  that  the  remaining  members  of  the  conspiracy 
would  be  crippled  by  the  punishment  of  these  leaders. 
Lentulus  also  freed  us  from  any  religious  scruple  in  pun- 
ishing him  by  resigning  his  praetorship. 

CAT.  Ill,  7-9 

244.  Write  in  indirect  discourse,  depending  on  Cicero 
dlcit : 

Now,  fellow-citizens,  we  have  seized  all  the  leaders  of 
this  foul  conspiracy.  Never  could  we  have  done  this,  had 
Catiline  remained  here  among  us.  When  he  was  forced 
from  the  city,  there  was  no  one  else  to  be  feared.  He 
[that  man]  never  would  have  given  his  letters  to  barbarian 
ambassadors;  for  he  had  judgment  suited  to  his  crime. 
Although  all  his  plans  were  met  and  opposed  by  me  while 
he  was  in  the  city,  yet  never  could  I  have  detected  the 
whole  plot  so  plainly,  had  he  himself  been  able  to  under- 
take the  direction  of  affairs.  And  yet,  fellow-citizens,  not 
I  alone,  but  the  immortal  gods  through  me,  have  managed 
(the  affairs  of)  the  state.  Indeed,  they  have  shown  their 
care  for  us  in  many  ways.  Do  you  remember  when  all 
Rome  was  terrified  because  the  images  of  the  gods  had 
been  overthrown  and  that  gilded  (statue  of)  Romulus 
was  struck  by  lightning  ?  At  that  time  to  avoid  the  civil 
wars  that  were  approaching  our  citizens  neglected  nothing 
which  might  placate  the  gods.  They  even  contracted  for  a 
large  statue  of  Jupiter,  which  you  saw  erected  this  morning. 
Indeed,  that  Jupiter  has  saved  your  city  and  opposed  these 
wicked  men.  In  no  other  way  would  a  race  hostile  to  Rome 
have  neglected  its  own  advantage,  especially  when  this  op- 
portunity was  offered  them  by  our  (own)  Patricians. 


122  CICERO 

CAT.   Ill,    10-12 

245.  Write   in   indirect  discourse,  depending  on  Cicero 
dixit : 

When,  Romans,  has  any  people  been  saved  from  such 
pitiable  ruin  without  armies,  without  bloodshed  ?  You  re- 
member how  Lucius  Sulla,  overcoming  Sulpicius,  banished 
Gaius  Marius  and  many  others  from  the  state ;  how  this 
place  overflowed  with  the  blood  of  citizens  when  Cinna  was 
driven  from  Rome  by  Octavius.  In  all  those  civil  strifes 
each  sought  the  destruction  of  the  other.  And  yet,  what 
did  each  aim  to  accomplish  ?  Not  to  blot  out  the  name 
of  the  Roman  people,  as  Catiline  desires,  but  merely  to 
change  the  (form  of)  government.  Catiline  and  his  fol- 
lowers would  have  burned  the  city  and  slaughtered  you,  her 
citizens,  had  I  not  preserved  you.  His  friends  have  now 
become  my  bitter  enemies,  and  it  is  your  (duty)  to  see  that 
I  am  not  injured  by  them.  For  I  demand  of  you  no  other 
reward  save  this  —  that  the  remembrance  of  this  day  may 
be  cherished  in  the  memory  of  all  good  citizens.  Although 
others  less  worthy  of  this  honor  than  I  may  obtain  statues, 
yet  let  all  remember  him  who  preserved  this  empire  from 
the  assault  of  wicked  citizens.  What!  If  I  should  be  killed 
by  these  men,  surely  there  is  nothing  higher  to  which  I 
should  ascend.  Now  depart  to  your  homes,  reverence 
that  Jupiter  who  has  protected  you  from  danger,  just  as 
you  have  often  previously  done.  Remember  that  I,  the 
consul,  will  be  watchful  in-the-interests-of  our  common- 
wealth. 

CAT.  IV,   1-4 

246.  Senators,  why  are  your  eyes  turned  toward  me? 
Why  are  you  so  anxious  for  my  safety  ?     (It  is)  the  state 


CATILINE  IV,  5-7  123 

(that)  is  in  peril ;  for  her  safety  you  ought  to  take  counsel. 
If  to  save  the  state  I  must  endure  all  tortures,  I  will  do  so 
gladly,  if  only  your  wives  and  children  may  be  snatched 
from  this  great  peril.  Lay  aside,  therefore,  (all  thought  of) 
my  safety.  Even  if  I  should  be  slain  by  these  men,  I  should 
not  wish  you  to  perish  with  me.  You  must  come  to  a  de- 
cision to-day  in  regard  to  these  men  whom  you  have  already 
condemned  to  imprisonment.  When  so  great  a  conspiracy 
has  been  formed  against  a  state,  there  should  be  no  delay- 
ing, no  postponing-action,  in  the  hope  that  in  this  way  the 
evil  may  be  crushed.  But  it  is  my  (task)  first  to  state  the 
two  propositions  which  have  been  brought  to  your  notice. 
The  one  proposes  that,  as  these  defendants  have  long 
stirred  (and  are  stirring)  the  people  to  overthrow  the  gov- 
ernment, they  should  be  punished  by  death.  The  other  de- 
clares that  the  gods  did  not  establish  death  as  a  (means  of) 
punishment,  and  urges  that  the  punishment  should  be  im- 
prisonment for-life  [eternal].  This  is,  indeed,  a  severe  pen- 
alty [of  great  severity],  for  even  hope  is  taken  away,  and 
only  life  is  left.  If  Caesar  had  only  insisted  on  taking 
away  this,  with  the  confiscation  of  their  goods  [when  he 
should  confiscate  their  goods],  he  would  have  brought 
them  rest  from  [of]  their  toil  and  misery. 

CAT.  IV,  5-7 

247.  No  doubt  it  is  for  my  interest  that  you  should 
agree  with  [follow  the  opinion  of]  Gaius  Caesar ;  for  if  he 
should  approve  your  vote,  I  should  have  no  more  trouble, 
since  he  is  considered  friendly  to  the  people.  Indeed,  if 
you  will  recall  (the  fact)  that  Caesar,  but  a  few  days  ago, 
voted  for  a  thanksgiving  in  my  name,  and  imprisonment 
for  these  men,  you  can  see  that  the  advantage  of  the  state 


124  CICERO 

outweighed  all  considerations  of  private  peril.  He  remem- 
bers that  by  the  Sempronian  law  a  Roman  citizen  can  be 
deprived  of  life  only  by  vote  of  the  people.  He  forgets, 
however,  that  these  men,  since  they  [who]  have  impiously 
planned  the  destruction  of  this  city,  cannot  be  regarded 
(as)  citizens,  but  (as)  enemies.  Can  any  punishment  be 
too  cruel  ?  If  your  slave  had  murdered  your  children  and 
attempted  your  own  life,  would  you  think  any  punishment 
too  severe  ?  The  attempt  of  these  conspirators  was  not  like 
that  of  Gracchus.  These  are  men  who  have  determined 
to  murder  us,  to  burn  the  city.  Be  not  cruel  to  your 
country  by  any  diminution  of  punishment.  If  you  think 
I  have  not  sufficient  guard  to  carry  out  your  decrees,  you 
are  greatly  mistaken.  It  is  to  your  interest  to  notice  how 
many,  and  what  classes  of  men,  are  present  about  the 
senate  house.  Even  the  poorest  desire  this  government, 
these  temples,  this  common  liberty,  to  remain  [stand]. 

CAT.  IV,   8-1 1 

248.  The  zeal  not  only  of  those  men  who  were  born  at 
Rome,  not  only  of  the  freedmen  who  have  gained  the  right 
of  citizenship,  —  not  the  zeal  of  these  alone,  I  say,  should 
be  noticed,  but  especially  that  of  other  men  who  are  still  in 
servitude.  Although  this  city  is  not  their  country,  although 
they  have  not  liberty  —  the  dearest  (possession)  of  man  — 
yet  the  audacity  of  these  citizens  appalls  them,  and  in  their 
desire  [desiring]  that  this  government  should  continue, 
they  are  contributing  to  its  preservation  all  the  goodwill 
they  dare.  If  you  have  heard  that  some  have  attempted 
to  bribe  the  needy  and  ignorant,  be  not  frightened  at  this, 
but  rather  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Roman  people. 


ARCHIAS  1-3  125 

To-day  you  should  remember  that  your  country  has  a 
leader  forgetful  of  himself,  devoted  to  you,  who  will  not 
hesitate  to  execute  your  decrees.  Decide  before  night 
what  is  to  be  done.  I  have  now  performed  my  consular 
duty.  Granted  that  your  other  leaders  have  become 
famous  by  managing  well  (the  interests  of)  the  state,  yet  I 
am  the  only  man  whom  you  have  honored  for  saving  the 
state.  If  by  chance  I  shall  be  overwhelmed  by  the  multi- 
tude of  my  enemies,  I  demand  of  you  but  one  reward 
[thing].  Let  my  deeds  and  the  memory  of  this  day  be 
fixed  in  your  minds.  Then  protect  my  little  son  from 
every  danger. 

ARCHIAS    1-3 

249.  If  I  am  able  to  help  the  man  from  whom  I  received 
my  enthusiasm  for  [of]  culture  and  literature,  surely  Aulus 
Licinius  may  well  demand  this  of  me.  For  from  my  boy- 
hood, from  my  earliest  recollection,  he  trained  my  mind  to 
learning,  my  voice  to  public  speaking.  Do  not  think-it- 
strange  that  this  man  cannot  defend  himself.  He  has  so 
devoted  himself  to  literature  that  he  shrinks  from  this  kind 
of  speaking  in  a  public  assembly.  And,  Judges,  as  I  am 
about  to  plead  in  behalf  of  such  a  man,  I  beg  that  I  may 
be  permitted  to  use  a  form  of  speech  new  to  this  court,  yet 
suited  to  this  case.  If  you  grant  me  this  favor,  I  am  sure 
you  will  feel  that  you  ought  to  add  Archias  to  the  number 
of  citizens,  if  he  were  not  already  (one).  Born  at  Antioch, 
he  was  trained  to  culture  in  the  usual  [the  same  which  are 
customary]  branches.  In  a  short  time  he  excelled  all  the 
learned  men  in  that  famous  city.  Soon  after  his  reputa- 
tion spread  through  Asia  and  Greece,  and  even  here  at 
Rome  he  was  known  to  many  of  us  as  (being)  worthy  of 


126  CICERO 

our  admiration.  When  Marius  and  Catulus  were  consuls, 
he  came  to  Rome,  where  he  was  received  by  the  Luculli. 
So  pleasing  was  he  to  these  and  other  noted  men  that  the 
highest  honors  were  heaped  upon  him. 

ARCHIAS   4-6 

250.  How  was  he  enrolled  as  a  citizen  ?  When  Marcus 
Lucullus,  his  friend,  set  out  for  Sicily,  Archias  went  with 
him.  Coming  to  Heraclia  on  his  way,  he  became  a  citizen 
of  that  state,  which  has  long  been  on  a  perfect  equality 
with  us  as  to  rights.  Some  time  later  the  Senate  decreed 
that  all  who  were  citizens  of  allied  states  might  be  given 
(Roman)  citizenship,  if  they  then  had  a  residence  in  Italy, 
and  were  enrolled  within  a  certain  time.  These  (conditions) 
he  fulfilled  [did].  And  yet,  when  you  cannot  weaken  these 
(statements)  you  finally  remember  that  the  record-office 
at  Heraclia  was  burned,  and  some  one  of  you  demands  the 
public  records.  A  foolish  request  [thing],  especially  as  he 
made  his  declaration  before  Quintus  Metellus,  a  most  up- 
right and  careful  man.  Or  do  you  think  that  the  people  of 
Heraclia  would  not  have  enrolled  him  as  a  citizen  ?  Yet 
they  gave  this  (honor)  to  men  of  much  less  ability.  "  If  he 
had  been  enrolled  by  the  censor,  it  would  prove  that  he 
thought  himself  a  citizen  ;  but  he  was  not  enrolled."  But 
you  know,  Gratius,  that  he  not  only  made  a  will,  but  often 
received  legacies  from  [of]  Roman  citizens.  In  doing  this 
he  acted  as  a  Roman  citizen.  But  you  wonder  why  I 
should  devote  myself  to  his  interests  ?  One  reason  is  that 
he  furnishes  me  with  rest  of  mind,  when  I  am  wearied  with 
the  noise  of  the  Forum.  Indeed,  I  am  not  ashamed  to  grant 
some  time  to  reviewing  such  studies,  for  by  so  doing  I  am 
better  able  to  aid  you  all. 


ARCHIAS   7-12  127 

ARCHIAS   7-9 

251.  Do  you  understand  me  to  say  that  the  illustrious 
men  of  whose  meritorious  deeds  we  have  read  in  literature 
were  trained  by  such  teaching  ?    It  may  be  difficult  to  prove 
this,  yet  this  reply  can  be  made :  When  we  see  how  much 
trained  natural   ability  accomplishes,  and  how   able  men 
have  been  aided  in   acquiring  (a  love  for)  virtue  by  the 
study  of   literature,  we  wonder  how  much  other  men  of 
excellent  talent,  but  untrained,  would  have  accomplished, 
if  they  had   had  the  molding-power  of  education.     How 
much,  therefore,  should  we  love  and  cherish  the  man  who 
not  only  shows  this  result  of  his  teaching,  but,  if  we  seek 
pleasure  only,  who  indeed  furnishes  us  with  so  refined  a 
diversion  ?     Again  and  again  has  Archias   recited   many 
excellent  verses  extemporaneously.    Who  would  think  that 
we  should  spurn  such  a  poet  ?     Poets  are  given  to  man  by 
the  gods,  and  for  that  reason  were  called  sacred  by  our 
own  Ennius.     Did  not  seven  cities  claim  Homer  as  their 
own,  even  though  he  was  dead  ?     If  the  rocks  and  deserts 
respond  to  the  song  of  the  poet,  —  if  even  wild  beasts  stop 
to  hear  it,  shall  we  not  be  glad  to  call  [gladly  call]  Archias 
our  citizen  ?     Who  is  not  pleased  at  hearing  the  praises 
of  his  own  merits  ?     Archias  has  celebrated  Rome  by  his 
praises.    For  the  same  reason,  (a  bust  of)  Ennius  was  placed 
in  the  tomb  of  the  Scipios.     Thus  many  other  poets,  who 
have  devoted  themselves  to   praising  the   Roman   name, 
have  been  cherished  by  our  ancestors.     Shall  we  not  adorn 
Archias  also  with  great  honor,  and  recognize  him  as  our 

own  ? 

ARCHIAS  10-12 

252.  Do  not  think  that  the  Roman  people  receives  less 
praise  because  Archias'  works  are  in  Greek  verse.      For 


128  CICERO 

Greek  literature  is  read  among  all  peoples — the  Latin  only 
within  our  own  territories.  Consequently  our  praises  will 
penetrate  to  the  farthest  bounds  of  the  world.  The  great 
Alexander  deemed  Achilles  fortunate  to  have  had  Homer 
as  a  herald  of  his  valor.  And  yet  he  himself  had  many 
poets  with  him,  to  praise  his  deeds.  In  fact,  some  of  our 
own  commanders  have  even  bestowed  the  citizenship  on 
poets  who  have  written  of  their  deeds.  Would  any  of 
them  have  refused  Archias,  if  he  had  asked  it  of  them  ? 
Remember  that  the  Luculli,  father  and  son,  and  Metellus 
Pius  were  his  intimate  friends.  Through  them  he  could 
have  obtained  anything,  for  they  gave  rich  rewards  even 
to  poor  poets.  But  why  do  I  defend  Archias  ?  Not  alone 
because  of  these  considerations,  but  also  because  he  has 
promised  to  touch  in  verse  upon  the  events  of  my  consul- 
ship. By  this  he  will  spread  remembrance  of  me  to  all 
the  earth.  In  these  praises  of  me,  you  also  will  be  praised. 
Therefore,  spare  this  man,  this  poet  of  genius.  Nay, 
rather,  let  him  conduct  himself  as  a  citizen  unmolested. 

MANILIAN   LAW  1-4 

253.  I  have  to  rejoice  that,  when  I  am  about  to  speak 
for  the  first  time  in  this  honored  place,  I  am  to  devote  my 
time  to  my  friend,  Gnaeus  Pompey.  Hitherto  I  have  been 
so  busy  with  [in]  the  defense  [danger]  of  private  citizens 
that  I  could  not  aspire  to  the  influence  of  this  position. 
But  now  that  you  have  shown  your  judgment  of  me,  by 
electing  me  praetor,  this  avenue  to  [of]  glory  has  been 
opened  to  me,  and  I  will  bring  to  this  place  whatever 
ability  I  may  have.  But  to  start  at  the  beginning,  two 
powerful  kings  have  seized  your  provinces  in  Asia.  Your 
tribute  from  these  provinces  is  at  stake ;  the  Roman 


MANILIAN   LAW   5-7  1 29 

knights,  who  have  devoted  themselves  to  your  interests 
in  Asia,  have  begged  me  to  report  to  you  the  state's 
danger  and  their  own.  If  I  say  what  ought  to  be  dis- 
cussed first,  I  shall  speak  of  the  nature  of  the  war.  Here 
let  me  warn  you  that  you  will  not  only  lessen  the  glory  of 
the  Roman  People,  but  will  lose  your  most  powerful  allies. 
Desirous  as  you  have  been  of  (gaining)  glory,  how  can 
you  allow  Mithradates,  who  ordered  all  Romans  in  Asia  to 
be  put  to  death,  and  whom  you  defeated  in  the  previous 
war,  to  (continue  to)  rule  ?  One  must  pardon  your  com- 
manders because  Mithradates  has  not  received  punishment 
fitted  to  his  crimes,  for  (the  interests  of)  the  state  called 
them  home  before  he  had  been  captured  or  slain.  What  did 
Mithradates  then  do  ?  He  prepared  the  greatest  possible 
armies,  and  now  is  planning  to  wage  war  on  you  from  two 
widely  separated  parts  of  the  empire.  In  Spain,  Pompey 
has  already  removed  all  danger  from  you.  In  Asia,  Lu- 
cullus  was  doing  the  same,  until  summoned  home.  Should 
we  not  send  Pompey  to  bring  this  war  to  an  end? 

MANILIAN   LAW   5-7 

254.  To  speak  further  of  the  nature  of  this  war,  consider 
how  our  ancestors  punished  those  who  treated  our  citizens 
abusively.  Because  the  Greeks  addressed  our  ambassadors 
too  haughtily,  war  was  waged  on  Corinth  until  it.  was 
destroyed.  And  yet  you  suffer  Mithradates  to  deprive 
Roman  citizens  of  life  !  Your  friends  and  allies  are  driven 
from  their  kingdoms  —  all  Asia  is  demanding  aid  from 
you,  so  great  is  the  danger.  They  would  ask  of  you,  if  it 
were  allowed  them,  one  leader  of  whose  self-restraint  they 
have  often  heard  ;  but  you  have  sent  a  different  one.  Yet 
this  other  leader,  who  is  now  close-at-hand,  has  already 

LAT.  PROSE   COMP.  —  9 


130  CICERO 

checked  the  enemy's  attacks  (simply)  by  his  [very]  name. 
Think  what  is-at-stake.  Consider  how  necessary  it  is  to 
protect  a  province  not  merely  from  war,  but  even  from 
fear  of  it,  if  you  expect  to  enjoy  the  revenues  from  that 
province.  All  your  tribute  ceases  while  war  is  being 
waged.  Even  if  you  should  gain  a  victory,  the  property 
of  your  tax-gatherers  would  be  lost.  Who  then  would 
farm  your  taxes?  If  you  neglect  the  interests  of  these 
men,  others  will  have  no  desire  to  invest  in  any  of  your 
provinces.  For  they  would  think  that  you  will  consider 
them  of  too  little  importance  to  defend  [so  little  that  you 
will  not  defend].  Consider  also  what  would  happen  at 
Rome,  how  credit  would  fail  and  many  be  dragged  to  ruin. 

MANILIAN   LAW  8-9 

255.  Consider  now  the  greatness  of  this  measure.  Do  not 
scorn  what  I  shall  say.  For  although  this  war  is  not  to  be 
feared,  yet  you  must  undertake  it  with  the  greatest  care. 
And  do  not  think  that  great  praise  is  not  due  Lucius 
Lucullus,  a  man  of  the  greatest  wisdom  and  valor.  For 
although,  when  he  arrived,  Mithradates  with  large  forces 
was  besieging  Cyzicus,  that  city  was  relieved  by  his  efforts. 
If  this  same  Lucullus  had  not  overwhelmed  and  sunk  that 
well-equipped  fleet,  it  would  already  be  blockading  [shut- 
ting.off  from  all  access]  Italy.  That  leader  also  captured 
the  king's  palaces,  despoiled  him  of  his  ancestral  kingdom, 
and  drove  him  as  a  suppliant  to  other  peoples.  Have  I 
given  Lucullus  sufficient  praise?  Has  any  one,  even  of  his 
friends,  or  of  those  who  oppose  Manilius,  bestowed  like 
praise  on  him  ?  Do  you  ask  then  how  there  can  now  be 
anything  more  to  be  done  if  Lucullus  accomplished  all 
this  ?  Since  the  question  is  not  unreasonable,  you  shall 


MANILIAN   LAW    10-12  131 

learn.  When  our  army  was  driving  Mithradates  from  his 
kingdom  they  were  delayed  by  the  gathering  of  the  booty. 
For  all  the  silver  and  gold  that  Mithradates  had  heaped 
up  in  Pontus  was  left  by  him  when  he  fled  to  the  Arme- 
nian king.  Although  Lucullus  defeated  both  Tigranes 
and  Mithradates  in  Armenia,  our  soldiers  sought  rather 
a  return  from  that  remote  place  than  a  further  advance. 
Since  this  time  Mithradates  has  been  gathering  new  forces, 
gaining  new  allies.  I  pass  over  that  terrible  disaster  to  us 
when  he  suddenly  attacked  our  victorious  army.  At  that 
crisis  Lucullus  was  obliged  to  deliver  the  army  to  Manius 
Glabrio. 

*   MANILIAN'  LAW  10-12 

256.  Fellow-citizens,  I  have  said  enough  in  regard  to  the 
nature  and  greatness  of  this  war.  Let  us  now  consider 
who  is  to  be  commander  of  interests  [things]  so  great. 
Would  that  it  were  difficult  because  of  an  abundance  of 
leaders  for  you  to  select  one  preeminently  [especially] 
suitable!  But  of  all  your  commanders  one  only,  Gnaeus 
Pompey,  possesses  the  necessary  qualities  of  a  leader. 
Consider  his  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war  —  from  earliest 
boyhood  he  was  trained  by  the  discipline  of  the  camp. 
What  wars  has  he  not  waged !  If  you  should  read  of  the 
various  kinds,  you  would  learn  that  he  has  been  drilled  in 
every  one.  Indeed,  there  is  nothing  in  military  experience 
that  has  escaped  his  knowledge.  Is  not  his  merit  also 
equal  to  his  knowledge  (of  war)  ?  Indeed,  he  has  such 
merits  as  none  of  your  other  leaders  has  had.  If  witnesses 
to  this  are  sought,  you  must  select  them  from  a  large 
number.  For  not  only  Italy  and  Sicily,  which  were  freed 
from  their  enemies  by  his  aid,  but  Africa,  Gaul,  and  Spain, 
all  saw  him  overthrow  the  numerous  foes  that  oppressed 


132  CICERO 

them.  From  him  alone  did  every  coast,  every  foreign 
•nation  seek  aid,  when  the  pirates  held  every  harbor  and  no 
one  dared  sail  except  in  winter.  If  you  recall  that  widely 
scattered  war,  you  will  even  nojv  wonder  how  such  a  war 
could  have  been  finished  by  one  commander  in  one  year. 
Yet  Gnaeus  Pompey  in  the  fury  of  war  passed  over  all 
coasts,  all  shores.  By  midsummer  all  the  pirates  had 
surrendered  to  his  power.  Besides,  Cilicia  had  been  added 
to  the  Roman  dominion.  No  longer  had  we  to  fear  that 
robbers  would  plunder  our  coasts,  and  even  our  harbors. 
And  all  this  was  accomplished  by  the  valor  of  one  man. 

MANILIAN   LAW  13-15 

257.  A  finished  commander  must  possess  not  merely 
valor  but  also  blamelessness,  self-control,  and  other  quali- 
ties of  like  nature  [like  these].  You  must  consider  the 
character  of  these  virtues  [what  sort  of  virtues  these  are] 
in-the-case-of  Gnaeus  Pompey,  for  any  one  can  recognize 
how  (truly)  great  they  are.  In  his  army  you  do  not  hear  of 
the  buying  and  selling  of  centurionships  [that  the  centurion- 
ship  is  bought1  and  sold].  If  he  had  taken  from  the  treasury 
money  which  the  Senate  had  appropriated  for  the  expense 
of  war,  and,  as  others  have  done,  had  kept  it  for  himself  or 
divided  it  among  his  (friends),  already  your  murmurs  would 
show  [make]  that  you  recall-it-to-mind.  If  you  are  angry 
with  the  generals  who  from  avarice  have  done  this  thing, 
how  much  more  must  your  foreign  allies  be  alarmed,  all  of 
whose  fields  and  towns  have  been  pillaged  by  these  same 
commanders!  Because  these  remember  what  other  lead- 
ers have  done  and  know  how  self-restrained  [of  how  great 
self-restraint]  Pompey  and  his  armies  are,  they  regard  him 

1  emo. 


MANILIAN   LAW    16-18  133 

(as  one)  sent  by  the  gods  to  free  them  from  oppression 
[wrong]. 

They  think  that  they  see  why  their  ancestors  considered 
it  more  to  their  advantage  to  be-servants-of  Rome  than 
to  have  other  nations  as  their  tributaries.  Such  indeed 
is  the  courtesy  of  Gnaeus  Pompey  that  even  the  private 
citizen  dares  enter  complaint  before  him.  Consider  also 
how  great  is  his  prestige ;  for  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  our  enemies  are  influenced  by  this.  '  How  you  have 
increased  this  by  your  decrees!  When  you  filled  the 
Forum  to  demand  Pompey  as  commander  for  the  war 
against  the  pirates,  his  fame  penetrated  to  the  most  solitary 
shore  of  the  world.  When  you  appointed  him  commander 
of  this  war,  prosperity  came  to  Rome,  and  even  the  price  of 
grain  fell  [the  cheapness  of  grain  followed].  Had  he  not 
been  in  Asia  when  we  suffered  that  disaster  in  Pontus,  you 
could  _not  have  checked  Mithradates.  Will  he  not  then 
save  Asia  if  you  put  him  in  charge  (of  the  war)  ? 

MANILIAN  LAW  16-18 

258.  Is  there  need1  of  further  examples  to  make  clear 
how  great  Pompey's  influence  is  among  foreign  nations? 
He  was  the  only  (man)  to  whom  the  Cretans  would  sur- 
render, although  he  was  far  away,  and  another  of  your 
generals  was  even  then  in  command  of  the  army  on  the 
island  of  Crete.  It  happened  that  this  same  Mithradates 
increased  Pompey's  prestige,  when  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
him  in  farthest  Spain.  But  come,  let  us  consider  his  good- 
fortune.  Because  of  this  indeed,  and  not  merely  because 
of  wise  counsels  and  valorous-deeds,  do  we  select  com- 
manders for  our  armies.  For  good-fortune  seems  to  be 

1  Cf.  55. 


1 34  CICERO 

given  in-some-divine-tnanner  by  the  gods.  When  we  remem- 
ber how  great  good-fortune  Gnaeus  Pompey  has  already 
had,  may  we  not  hope  that  in  the  future  [remaining  time] 
he  will  not  be  displeasing  to  the  gods  ?  Already  even  (the 
forces  of)  nature  seem  to  have  given  obedience  to  his  will. 
Had  any  one,  before  we  saw  what  fortune  the  gods  have 
granted  this  man,  dared  (even)  silently  to  declare  himself  so 
endowed  with  honors,  he  would  have  been  thought  insolent. 
At  home,  in  the  field,  everywhere,1  all  things  have  yielded 
to  his  wishes.  Now  as  we  cannot  abandon  our  allies  in 
this  danger,  and  as  you  have  a  commander  endowed  with 
such  virtues,  will  you  not  place  him  in  charge  of  this  war  ? 
Why  must  we  choose  another  as  commander,  especially 
when  Gnaeus  Pompey  is  already  in  Asia  with  his  army? 
And  yet  Quintus  Hortensius,  whose  authority  has  always 
had  the  greatest  weight  with  you,  says  that  this  is  not 
the  best  (thing)  to  be  done.  He  thinks  you  ought  not  to 
appoint  the  same  (man)  for  all  wars.  If  we  had  followed 
his  advice  when  we  were  appointing  Pompey  commander 
against  the  pirates,  even  now  we  should  be  cut  off  from 
our  provinces.  How  weak  was  the  state  of  the  Roman 
people,  although-their  [whose]  ancestors  had  conquered 
all  maritime  nations,  and  adorned  this  place  with  the 
spoils  of  fleets,  while  we  could  not  keep  our  own  shores 
safe  from  robbers,  —  nay  more,  even  feared  to  set  forth 
from  the  city  by  the  Appian  Way.  Ought  we  not  to 
have  been  ashamed  to  mount  this  rostrum? 

MANILIAN  LAW  19-21 

259.    Had  the  Roman  people  then  been  persuaded  by 
your  views,  Quintus  Hortensius,  rather  than  by  their  own 

1  ubique. 


MANILIAN   LAW    19-21  135 

distress,  we  should  not  now  be  freed  from  all  dangers  on 
land  and  sea.  And  yet  you  declared  with  the  best  inten- 
tions what  seemed  to  you  to  be  for  the  safety  of  the  state. 
Further,  as  Pompey  demands  that  Aulus  Gabinius  shall  be 
made  his  lieutenant,  why  should  he  not  obtain  from  you  a 
man  suitable  for  defending  your  allies  ?  By  decrees  of  the 
Senate  your  other  commanders  have  often  received  such 
lieutenants  as  they  desired,  to  plunder  your  provinces.  If 
the  consuls  hesitate  to  bring  before  the  Senate  the  choos- 
ing of  Gabinius  as  lieutenant,  I  myself  will  do  so.  Quintus 
Catulus,  however,  demands  that  you  do  nothing  contrary 
to  the  precedent  of  your  ancestors.  You  answered  well 
when  you  said  that,  in  case  any  misfortune  should  prevent 
Pompey  from  doing  all  you  hoped  he  would  accomplish, 
there  was  none  so  worthy  of  your  trust  as  Quintus  Catu- 
lus. And  yet  we  must  differ  from  this  noble  man,  who 
has  been  of  so  great  an  influence  for  good  in  the  state  that 
we  all  believe-in  him  and  gladly  listen  to  his  advice.  If  I 
may  call  to  mind  the  Carthaginian  and  the  Spanish  wars, 
you  will  remember  that  these  were  conducted  by  one  man. 
Recently  even  the  Senate  decided  that  unless  Gaius  Marius 
was  placed  in  command  of  all  the  forces  of  our  land,  there 
could  be  no  hope  of  safety  for  the  state.  This  same  man 
both  subdued  Jugurtha  and  defended  us  from  the  Teutons. 
To  pass  by  all  others,  even  in  the  case  of  Gnaeus  Pompey 
very  many  remarkable  honors  have  been  granted  by  decree 
of  the  Senate.  It  was  indeed  an  unheard-of  (event)  that  a 
knight  should  have  a  triumph  at  Rome,  that  a  private  citi- 
zen should  be  given  a  proconsulship.  If  these  examples 
are  not  sufficient,  remember  how  he  was  permitted  to  be- 
come consul  before  he  had  held  any  other  office.  And  all 
these  things,  too,  were  done  with  the  full  consent  of  Catulus. 


136  CICERO 

MANILIAN  LAW  22-24 

260.  Such  men  should  respect  your  judgment  in  regard 
to  Gnaeus  Pompey,  especially  since  you  have  always  ap- 
proved their  opinions  concerning  this  same  man.  Did  not 
many  men  cry  out  when  you  chose  Pompey  general  in  the 
maritime  war?  But  did  your  judgment  then  bring  safety 
or  disaster  to  the  state  ?  Can  they  not  see  that  they  must 
sometimes  yield  to  the  will  of  the  Roman  people  ?  Now 
especially  you  should  have  in  Asia  a  commander  of  great 
self-restraint ;  for  it  is  difficult  to  think  of  nothing  save  the 
state.  The  rich  shrines  and  prosperous  cities  are  so  many 
in  number  that  our  generals  have  even  sought  a  pretext 
[reason]  for  waging  war.  Why  ?  Simply  that  they  might 
plunder  those  intrusted  to  their  care  and  become  rich  on 
the  spoils  of  war.  All  this  has  been  done  to  such  an 
extent  that  we  are  bitterly  hated  by  [in  great  hatred 
among]  foreign  nations.  The  complaints  of  your  allies 
are  known  to  Catulus  and  Hortensius.  They  know  that 
the  property  of  those  cities  and  the  royal  treasure  are  so 
great  and  the  ornaments  of  the  shrines  in  Asia  so  rich 
that  your  other  generals  would  not  keep  their  hands  from 
them.  Do  not  then  fear  the  threats  of  these  men  who, 
(although)  endowed  with  the  greatest  talent,  would  dis- 
suade you  from  sending  [urge  you  not  to  send]  Gnaeus 
Pompey  to  the  Mithradatic  war.  Abide  by  your  purpose. 
I  promise  to  aid  [be  an  aid  to]  you  with  this  pretorian 
power,  not  that  I  expect  to  gain  from  this  any  defense 
against  dangers  or  any  assistance  to  (further)  honors,  but 
that  I  may  place  your  advantage  before  my  own.  There- 
fore, fellow-citizens,  appoint  Gnaeus  Pompey  to  the  man- 
agement of  this  war. 


SPECIMEN   COLLEGE   ENTRANCE    EXAMINATIONS 
IN   LATIN   PROSE   COMPOSITION 


AMHERST  COLLEGE,  1897 

While  Caesar  was  thus  engaged,  he  desired  to  know 
what  was  being  done  elsewhere.  A  message  was  brought 
to  him  from  Titurius,  whom  he  had  placed  in  command^  of 
the  troops  at  the  bridge :  "  The  Belgians  have  changed 
their  plan,  and  have  come  down  to  the  river.  I  fear  they 
will  cross  it  at  a  ford*  and  thus  attack  us  in  the  rear2*" 
Caesar  immediately  dispatched  his  horse  and  light  troops  4 
to  prevent  their  carrying  out  this  design.  These  squad- 
rons^ crossing  the  river  by  the  bridge,  reached  the  ford 
before  the  Belgians  had  passed  it,  and  attacked  them  with 
their  missiles  while  they  were  still  struggling^  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  stream.  Part  of  them  who  had  already  gained 
the  opposite  side  were  surrounded  and  cut  in  pieces1  by 
the  cavalry.  The  Belgians  were  forced*  to  retreat  to  their 
former  encampment,  where  they  heard  that  Divitiacus  had 
entered  their  confines  and  was  now  wasting  their  homes 
with  sword  and  fire.  They  therefore  determined  to  aban- 
don their  attempt^  and  to  return  each  to  defend  his  own 
-  land. 

1  praeficere.  4  miles  expeditus.  7  trucidare. 

2  vadum.  5  turma.  8  cogere. 

3  a  tergo.  6  impeditus.  9  inceptum. 

137 


138  COLLEGE   ENTRANCE   EXAMINATIONS 

BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE,  1897 

He  told  me  to  buy  him  a  horse  for  twenty  minae,  but 
said  that  he  could  not  pay  it  now  because  his  friend  had 
not  sent  him  the  money  that  he  heeded.  I  am  ashamed  of 
my  faults,  but  what  business  is  that  of  yours?  He  was 
leaning  on  the  table,  when  suddenly  the  table  was  moved, 
and  he  fell  to  the  ground.  I  broke  the  window  with  a 
stone,  but  I  cannot  remember  what  I  was  trying  to  hit. 
All  the  world  is  full  of  good  men,  but  the  wicked  seem  to 
have  the  most  pleasures. 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY,  1897 

If  I  should  say  that  I  had  done  these  things  alone  with- 
out the  help  of  the  gods,  I  should  be  beside  myself.  Does 
it  not  seem  to  have  happened  providentially  that  Lentulus 
was  so  foolish  as  to  intrust  the  letters  to  the  Gauls  who, 
though  they  might  have  kept  silent,  nevertheless  of  their 
own  accord  offered  us  the  proofs  of  Catiline's  guilt? 

CORNELL  UNIVERSITY,  1897 

1.  All  good  citizens  will  obey  the  laws  of  the  Roman 
people. 

2.  These  brave  men  blocked  the  way  of  the  enemy  with 
their  own  bodies. 

3.  Before  I  set  out  from  Rome,  you  returned  to  the  city 
from  Asia. 

4.  Take  care  that  those  who  are  absent  may  not  have  a 
place  to  which  to  return. 

5.  If  he  had  known  that  you  were  to  come  to-day,  he 
would  have  remained  at  Athens. 


COLLEGE  ENTRANCE  EXAMINATIONS        139 

6.    He  said  that  he  should  have  done  this  before  setting 
out,  but  that  he  did  not  know  how  important  it  was. 


DARTMOUTH  COLLEGE,  1897 

On  the  next  day  Caesar  led  out  his  forces  from  both 
(uterque)  the  camps,  and  advancing  a  short  distance  from 
the  larger  camp,  he  drew  up  his  army  and  offered  battle  to 
the  enemy.  As  soon  as  (udt)  he  perceived  that  the  enemy 
did  not  come  out,  he  withdrew.  Then  Ariovistus  sent  a 
part  of  his  troops  to  attack  (oppngnari)  the  smaller  camp, 
and  a  sharp  battle  was  fought  till  evening  (vesper).  Then 
Caesar,  calling  a  council,  said  that  he  should  send  out  a 
detachment  of  cavalry  (aid)  to  reconnoitre  (explorare),  and 
when  they  returned,  he  should  order  the  soldiers  to  pre- 
pare (corpora  curare)  for  an  engagement. 

HARVARD  COLLEGE,  1897 

Although  only  a  small  part  of  the  summer  was  left, 
Caesar  determined  to  cross  into  Britain,  for  he  had  ob- 
served that  in  nearly  all  the  wars  with  the  Gauls  aid  had 
been  furnished  to  the  enemy  by  the  inhabitants  of  that 
island.  Since,  however,  he  could  learn  nothing  from  the 
Gauls  about  the  nature  of  the  island  and  of  its  people,  and 
was  afraid  that  some  misfortune  might  happen  to  him  if 
he  acted  incautiously,  he  sent  a  lieutenant  to  find  out  all 
he  could  about  that  portion  of  Britain  which  was  nearest 
to  Gaul. 

In  the  meantime  Caesar  gathered  together  about  eighty 
ships  in  which  to  carry  across  the  troops  if  a  favorable 
report  was  made  by  his  lieutenant.  When  after  five  days 


I4O        COLLEGE  ENTRANCE  EXAMINATIONS 

this  officer  had  returned  and  reported  all  that  he  had 
seen,  Caesar  at  once  set  sail  with  two  legions  of  infan- 
try and  ordered  the  cavalry  to  follow  with  all  possible 
speed. 

The  cavalry,  however,  waited  more  than  five  days  before 
setting  out  and  then  proceeded  so  slowly  that  one  battle 
had  already  been  fought  with  the  enemy  before  they  came 
within  sight  of  Caesar  and  the  infantry. 

PRINCETON  COLLEGE,  1897 

1.  Although  news  of  this  was  brought  to  Ariovistus, 
he  told  his   men  to  wait   until   the  enemy   had   crossed 
the  river.     Then,  after  he  had  incited  his  soldiers  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  daring,  he  began  the  attack. 

or, 

The  hostages  told  him  that  the  enemies'  camp  was  not  far 
distant,  and  that  only  old  men  and  boys  were  guarding  it, 
and  that  if  he  chose  to  make  an  attack,  in  the  absence  of 
the  soldiers,  he  could  capture  it  quite  easily. 

2.  It  is  worth  my  while,  citizens,  to  undergo  this  out- 
burst of  unjust  hatred  provided  the  peril  of  this  dread- 
ful war  be  removed  from  you.      Let  people  say  that  I 
have  cast  him  out,  if  only  he  go  into  exile.     But  believe 
me,  he  is  not  going  to  go. 

TUFTS  COLLEGE,  1897 

Marcellus  was  much  stronger  in  infantry  forces,  for  he 
had  veteran1  legions  tried  by  many  battles.  Cassius  relied 
more  on  the  loyalty  than  on  the  bravery  of  his  legions. 
So  when  Marcellus  had  seized  a  place  suitable  for  a  fort- 


COLLEGE   ENTRANCE   EXAMINATIONS  141 

ress,2  in  order  to  cut  off  the  followers3  of  Cassius  from 
water,  Longinus,  fearing  that  he  might  be  confined  by  a 
sort4  of  siege  in  regions  hostile  to  himself,  set  out  from 
his  camp  by  night  in  silence,  and  hastened  by  a  swift 
march  to  Ulia,  a  town  which  he  believed  to  be  faithful 
to  him. 

1  veteranus.          2  castellum.          3  Cassiani.          4  genere  quodam. 

VASSAR  COLLEGE,  1897 

There  are  times  when  it  is  wrong  to  do  things  that 
ordinarily  are  fitting  (dignus)  for  good  men  to  do.  For 
instance,  if  you  have  agreed  to  go  and  be  an  advocate 
for  some  one,  and  meanwhile  your  son  falls  ill,  surely  it 
is  not  shirking  your  duty  not  to  do  that  which  you  said 
you  would  do.  If  this  were  not  so,  says  Cicero,  there 
would  be  no  one  who  would  dare  make  a  promise ;  but, 
he  adds,  every  man  in  deciding  whether  he  ought  to  keep 
a  promise  or  not  must  bear  in  mind  this  rule,  that  the 
lesser  injury  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  greater. 

WELLESLEY  COLLEGE,  1897 

Render  into  Latin : 

But  the  barbarians  were  not  lacking  in  counsel.  For 
through  all  the  ranks  (tota  acii)  their  leaders  gave  the 
order  (pronuntiare  jusserunf)  that  "no  one  should  quit  his 
place ;  the  booty  was  theirs,  and  for  them  was  reserved 
whatever  the  Romans  should  leave ;  so  then  they  should 
understand  that  all  depended  (posita)  upon  victory."  In 
valor  and  numbers  our  men  were  their  equals  in  the  fight. 
Although  they  were  deserted  by  their  leader  and  by  for- 


142  COLLEGE   ENTRANCE   EXAMINATIONS 

tune,  they  yet  placed  all  their  hope  of  safety  in  valor,  and 
as  often  as  each  cohort  rushed  forward,  in  that  quarter 
great  numbers  of  the  enemy  fell.  When  he  perceived 
this,  Ambiorix  ordered  his  men  to  throw  their  weapons  at 
a  distance  and  not  approach  too  near,  and  to  fall  back 
whenever  the  Romans  made  a  charge. 

Change  from  indirect  to  direct  discourse  : 

Germanos  neque  priores  populo  Romano  bellum  inferre 
neque  tamen  recusare,  si  lacessantur,  quin  armis  conten- 
dant,  quod  Germanorum  consuetude  haec  sit  a  majoribus 
tradita,  quicumque  bellum  inferant,  resistere  neque  depre- 
cari.  Haec  tamen  dicere  :  venisse  invitos,  ejectos  domo  ; 
si  suam  gratiam  Romani  velint,  posse  iis  utiles  esse  amicos  ; 
vel  sibi  agros  attribuant,  vel  patiantur  eos  tenere  quos 
armis  possederint. 

Change  from  direct  to  indirect  discourse: 

Alterum  genus  est  eorum,  qui,  quamquam  premuntur 
aere  alieno,  dominationem  tamen  exspectant,  rerum  potiri 
volunt,  honores,  quos  quieta  re  publica  desperant,  pertur- 
bata  consequi  se  posse  arbitrantur.  Quibus  hoc  praecipi- 
endum  videtur,  unum  scilicet  et  idem  quod  reliquis  omni- 
bus, ut  desperent  se  id,  quod  conantur,  consequi  posse. 

WILLIAMS  COLLEGE,  1897 

In  the  five-hundred-and-fortieth  year  after  the  founding 
of  the  city  (a  condita  urbe)  Paulus  and  Varro  were  sent 
against  Hannibal.  At  a  town  called  Cannae  in  Apulia  a 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  both  consuls  were  defeated. 
The  consul  Paulus  was  killed,  thirty  senators  were  either 


COLLEGE   ENTRANCE   EXAMINATIONS  143 

captured  or  slain,  as  well  as  three  hundred  nobles  and 
forty  thousand  soldiers.  Yet  no  Roman  dared  to  speak  of 
peace.  Slaves  were  manumitted  (manumissi  sunf),  a  thing 
which  had  never  been  done  before,  and  in  this  way  the 
army  was  increased. 

YALE  COLLEGE,  1897 
[Time  allowed,  30  minutes.] 

When  the  Romans  reached  Britain  the  barbarians,  occu- 
pying the  shore,  hurled  javelins  at  them  and  attempted  to 
prevent  them  from  disembarking  (ex  navibus  egredi).  The 
Romans,  not  accustomed  to  -fight  on  ships,  were  terrified 
by  this  until  (donee)  Caesar  ordered  some  of  his  ships  to  be 
stationed  near  the  exposed  flank  of  the  enemy.  Then  the 
barbarians  disturbed  by  the  arrows  and  javelins  retreated 
slightly  (paulum  pedem  referre).  While  the  Romans  were 
still  hesitating,  the  eagle-bearer1  of  the  tenth  legion,  jump- 
ing (se  proicere)  into  the  sea,  cried  out,  "  Leap  down  (desi- 
lire),  soldiers,  unless  you  wish  to  betray  your  eagle  to  the 
enemy  !  "  All  immediately  followed  him  and  after  a  fierce 
conflict  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 

1  "  He  who  carried  the  eagle." 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO,  1897 
Elementary  Prose  Composition 

Translate  into  Latin  (marking  all  long  vowels): 

i.  Ariovistus  told  Caesar  that  he  (Ariovistus)  had  not 
crossed  the  Rhine  of  his  own  accord,  but  at  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  the  Gauls,  who  were  being  hard  pressed  by 
their  neighbors. 


144  COLLEGE   ENTRANCE   EXAMINATIONS 

2.  Moreover,  he  wanted  to  know  what  business  Caesar 
had  anyhow  in  his  part  of  Gaul,  which  he  had  conquered 
in  war. 

3.  Caesar  replied :    You  do  not  think,  do  you,  that  I 
can  permit  the  friends  and   dependents  of   the    Roman 
people  to  be  injured? 

4.  Can  you  not,  therefore,  be  persuaded  to  send  your 
forces  home  and  not  allow  any  more  Germans  to  cross  the 
Rhine  ? 

5.  Although  Ariovistus  spoke   so   boldly,  yet   he   was 
afraid  that  Caesar  would  drive  him  out  of  Gaul. 


Advanced  Prose  Composition 

[Do  not  attempt  to  render  the  English  into  Latin  word  for  word,  but  grasp 
clearly  each  thought,  and  consider  what  is  the  Latin  way  of  expressing  this 
thought.] 

Translate  into  Latin  (marking  all  long  vowels) : 

Tullius  sends  greeting  to  Tiro  : 

I  thought  that  I  could  bear  your  absence  a  little  more 
easily  than  I  do,  but  I  do  not  bear  it  easily ;  and  although 
it  is  of  great  importance  to  me  to  come  to  the  city  as  soon 
as  possible,  still  I  seem  to  have  done  wrong  in  leaving  you. 
But  since  it  seemed  to  be  your  wish  not  to  sail  until  your 
health  was  restored,  I  have  approved  of  your  plan.  I 
have  sent  Mario  to  you  with  instructions  that  he  is  to 
come  with  you  to  me  as  soon  as  possible,  or,  if  you  remain 
for  a  time,  that  he  is  to  return  to  me  at  once.  But  be 
assured  of  this,1  that  if  it  can  be  done  with  safety  to  your 
health,  I  prefer  nothing  more  than  that  you  should  be  with 
me. 


COLLEGE  ENTRANCE  EXAMINATIONS        145 

ii  you  sail  at  once,  you  will  overtake  us  at  Corcyra; 
but  if  you  wish  to  recover  your  strength?  you  will  take 
good  care  to  choose  suitable  weather  and  a  suitable  vessel. 
Give  heed  to  one  thing,  Tiro  :  do  not  let  the  arrival  of 
Mario  and  this  letter  disturb  you.  Take  care  especially 
of  your  health. 

1  hoc  tibi  persuade.  2  te  confirmare. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  1897 

Translate  into  Latin  (if  Latin  word  is  unknown,  indicate 
in  blank  space  the  case  or  the  mood  and  tense  required) : 

When  Caesar  made  these  inquiries  (asked  these  things) 
of  the  envoys,  he  found  that  the  Belgae  long  before  had 
driven  out  the  Gauls  (use  participial  phrase)  and  that  they 
were  the  only  ones  who  had  been  able  to  prevent  the  Cim- 
bri  from  entering  (or  invading)  their  country;  that  the 
Nervii,  who  were  considered  the  fiercest  among  them,  had 
promised  fifty  thousand  armed-men  for  this  war. 

While  Caesar  was  waiting  for  reinforcements,  the  Belgae 
attacked  a  walled  town  of  the  Remi,  which  was  eight  miles 
from  the  Roman  camp.  So  Iccius  sent  a  messenger  to  say 
that  unless  aid  were  given  him,  he  would  have  to  surrender 
the  .town.  Caesar  replied  that  he  would  send  one  legion 
to  help  the  Remi  because  they  had  obeyed  his  orders. 


LAT.  PROSE  COMP.  —  IO 


TYPOGRAPHY   BY  J.    8.    CUSHING   &   CO.,    NORWOOD,    MASS. 


Dodge,   C»C» 

D644 

Latin  pro 

se  compos  it  i 

%  <•>  A  -M            "W«  vs  A  a 

m 

bes6d  on  C£H 
and  Cicero 

Joar  j  Wopos  , 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


